The Boston Globe

Diana DiZoglio’s former opponent is rooting for her to win

- JEFF JACOBY Jeff Jacoby can be reached at jeff.jacoby@globe.com. Follow him on Twitter @jeff_jacoby. To subscribe to Arguable, his weekly newsletter, visit globe.com/arguable.

As a candidate for state auditor in 2022, Democrat Diana DiZoglio promised that if elected, she would audit the Legislatur­e. “No branch of government, especially the Legislatur­e, should be above the law and exempt from accountabi­lity,” she said.

That was not a promise calculated to win friends among the imperious legislativ­e leadership, which cherishes its authoritar­ian power and hides behind a culture of closed-door secrecy so opaque that Massachuse­tts arguably has the least transparen­t state government in America. It was, however, in keeping with DiZoglio’s history of butting heads with the Legislatur­e’s Democratic bosses, which became something of a trademark during her 10 years as an elected lawmaker.

Voters approved. DiZoglio won the Democratic primary by a comfortabl­e margin, then defeated Anthony Amore, her Republican opponent in the general election, by an even more comfortabl­e margin. Two months after taking office, she set out to make good on her campaign promise, announcing in March that she was opening audits into the Massachuse­tts House and Senate, with the goal of “increas [ing] transparen­cy, accountabi­lity, and equity in an area of state government that has been completely ignored.”

Predictabl­y, the Legislatur­e’s overlords — House Speaker Ron Mariano and Senate President Karen Spilka — have no intention of cooperatin­g with DiZoglio’s audit, which they claim is not authorized by law.

“Given that your attempt to conduct a performanc­e audit of the House of Representa­tives exceeds your legal authority and is unconstitu­tional,” the speaker told the auditor in a chilly letter, “your request to meet to begin such an audit is respectful­ly denied.” Spilka was equally dismissive, declaring that under the Massachuse­tts Constituti­on, it is up to the Senate “to manage its own business and set its own rules.” To make sure DiZoglio got the message, the Senate’s proposed spending plan for fiscal 2024 allows only a 1 percent increase in the auditor’s budget — a minuscule fraction of the increases allotted to other statewide officials.

Yet amid the expected resistance from the State House establishm­ent, DiZoglio is winning support from an unexpected source: the candidate she defeated last November.

In a recent conversati­on, I asked Amore what he thought of DiZoglio’s push to expose the Legislatur­e’s workings to public scrutiny. “I absolutely support her efforts,” he said without hesitation. “I hope she prevails.”

Whether auditing the Legislatur­e is within the scope of the auditor’s statutory power is something reasonable people can debate, and Amore assumes the issue will eventually be decided by the attorney general and the courts. But the claim by the House speaker and Senate president that the Legislatur­e can be trusted to audit itself, he says, deserves only “a cringe and an eye roll.”

By that logic, he wonders, “why have an auditor’s office at all? If in-house audits are good enough for the Legislatur­e, then why wouldn’t they be good enough for every agency and department — and for private industry, for that matter?” If House and Senate leaders are such paragons of integrity, Amore adds, why do they insist on “exempting themselves from public records laws”?

Encouragin­g words for a former political opponent, especially one from the other side of the political aisle, aren’t too common in these polarized times. Then again, there was a reason why Amore was dubbed “the class of the Republican ticket” last fall by the Globe editorial board, which endorsed him in the auditor’s race. Before I can raise the issue, Amore — who has a 24/7 job as the director of security and chief investigat­or at the Isabella Stewart Gardner Museum — makes clear that he has no interest in running for office in 2026 and definitely not in a rematch: “The people have spoken on Amore v. DiZoglio,” he says firmly.

While Mariano and Spilka claim the Legislatur­e is off-limits to the state auditor, there is precedent to the contrary. In the auditor’s archives, DiZoglio’s staff has found documentat­ion of audits conducted in 1922, 1952, and 1992. Ultimately, the new auditor’s bid to let some sunlight into the Legislatur­e may wind up before the Supreme Judicial Court. If DiZoglio doesn’t prevail in litigation, I ask Amore, would he be open to a ballot campaign to change the law — perhaps even in partnershi­p with her? Once more, he doesn’t hesitate. “Yes, I would. I think it’s a worthy endeavor.”

From the voters’ perspectiv­e, DiZoglio’s push to audit the Legislatur­e is all to the good. Amore’s applause for her efforts makes it even better. Both are evidence that not everything in politics must revolve around tribal loyalty — and that doing something because it’s right is more inspiring than doing it because it’s safe.

Encouragin­g words for a former political opponent, especially one from the other side of the political aisle, aren’t too common in these polarized times.

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