The Boston Globe

Challenges to Trump’s eligibilit­y are murky. But there is a clear way to stop him.

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Arecent ruling by a Colorado state judge laid bare how perilous the legal challenges that seek to constituti­onally disqualify former president Donald Trump from a presidenti­al comeback really are. At best, they present a host of novel legal issues that have divided even the sharpest members of our nation’s jurisprude­ntial brain trust. At worst, they could end in a Supreme Court decision that could clear the way for future presidents to attack the very pillars of our democracy with impunity.

The events of Jan. 6, 2021, showed us how easily a nation can be torn apart if trust in our institutio­ns is eroded. Even the perception that the next president will be chosen by a series of legal maneuvers as opposed to the will of the people could cause more damage to the Republic.

It is understand­able why groups such as Citizens for Responsibi­lity and Ethics in Washington and Massachuse­tts-based Free Speech for People have brought legal challenges in various states seeking to stop election officials from placing Trump on 2024 ballots.

Their challenges are based on Section 3 of the 14th Amendment. That provision bars anyone who previously took an oath “to support the Constituti­on of the United States” from holding office again if they “engaged in insurrecti­on or rebellion.” Such disqualifi­cation can only be removed by a two-thirds vote in both houses of Congress.

A number of legal scholars and experts from across the ideologica­l spectrum, from the Federalist Society’s William Baude and Michael Stokes Paulsen, to Harvard Law professor emeritus Laurence Tribe, to conservati­ve retired judge J. Michael Luttig have argued that this provision in itself bars Trump from ever returning to the Oval Office.

Yet so far, the challenger­s have been winless. Courts in Michigan and Minnesota have refused to order that Trump be removed from primary election ballots, either because Congress has failed to speak on the matter or because the decision to place nominees on the ballot is up to political parties, not courts.

But in Colorado, the challenger­s’ loss was even more potentiall­y disastrous. While District Judge Sarah B. Wallace ruled that Trump did “engage in an insurrecti­on,” because Section 3 does not clearly and unmistakab­ly refer to the office of the presidency, she wrote, she could not “embrace an interpreta­tion which would disqualify a presidenti­al candidate.”

This theory — that the presidency is exempt from the disqualifi­cation clause — has been embraced by a growing number of legal experts, including Northweste­rn University law professor Steven Calabresi.

The cases will be appealed and will likely ultimately end up at the Supreme Court. That a nation’s highest court could be in the position to make this until-now unsupporte­d legal theory the law of all the land should give all democracy-loving citizens pause.

There are a host of other issues that can prove to be legal landmines in these types of challenges. How is the disqualifi­cation clause, which was enacted in order to prevent former Confederat­es from holding office after the Civil War, actually supposed to work? Does it need an enabling statute — a law passed by Congress to allow it to be enforced? Does deeming Trump to be an insurrecti­onist require more than the opinion of one state court judge?

Even if a host of constituti­onal scholars and respected legal leaders believe the issue is clear cut, as the three rulings that have been issued so far prove, it is anything but. With the novel questions that these legal challenges present, it would be foolhardy to believe that this is the most surefire way to keep Trump out of office permanentl­y. There is a definite way to do so: at the ballot box. It is important to state, over and over again with clarity and urgency, that Trump is unfit for office. It is also important for the justice system, in the myriad civil and criminal cases Trump is currently facing, to hold the former president responsibl­e. And it is also vital for the decision to keep Trump out of the White House for good to be made by the voters. Their rebuke of Trump would be the most powerful.

It is important to state, over and over again with clarity and urgency, that Trump is unfit for office.

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