The Capital

US strike killed Afghans recruited to fight for Iran

Militia brigade goes unacknowle­dged in Tehran’s statements

- By Farnaz Fassihi

It was a memorial for the “martyrs” killed when the U.S. struck military bases in Syria, according to Iranian state television.

A small crowd sat in rows of folding chairs, men in the front and women in back, at the main cemetery in Tehran, the Iranian capital, earlier this month. Children milled around and a young man passed a box of sweets. A man recited prayers through a microphone.

But the 12 fallen men weren’t Iranians. They were Afghans, according to other soldiers and local media reports, part of the Fatemiyoun Brigade, a largely overlooked force that dates to the height of the Syrian civil war a decade ago. To help Syrian President Bashar Assad beat back rebel forces and Islamic State group terrorists, Iran at the time began recruiting thousands of Afghan refugees to fight, offering $500 a month, schooling for their children and Iranian residency.

The brigade is still believed to be about 20,000 strong, drawn from Afghan refugees living mostly in Iran, and it serves under the command of the Quds Force, the overseas arm of Iran’s Revolution­ary Guard.

Iranian media affiliated with the Revolution­ary Guard and social media platforms dedicated to the

Fatemiyoun published the names and photograph­s of the slain Afghans and said they were killed in U.S. strikes in Iraq and Syria. The U.S. strikes were conducted in retaliatio­n for a January drone attack on a military base in Jordan that killed three U.S. soldiers. The U.S. had blamed an Iran-backed militia based in Iraq for the attack.

Publicly, Iranian officials denied that any military personnel linked to Iran were among the casualties. Iran’s ambassador to the United Nations, Amir Saeid Iravani, told the U.N. Security Council days after the U.S. strikes that Iran had no connection to the bases attacked in Iraq and Syria. He accused the U.S. of falsely blaming Iran and said only civilians had been killed.

The guard did not issue a statement acknowledg­ing the deaths of the Afghans under its command as it typically does when Iranian forces are killed, nor did any official threaten to avenge the deaths.

The story of the Afghan casualties, however, emerged from at least four cities across Iran — Tehran, Shiraz, Qum and Mashhad — where the bodies of the Afghans were quietly repatriate­d to their families, according to photos and videos on Iranian media.

At the funeral procession­s, the coffins of the Afghans were draped in green cloth but bore the flag of no nation. In the cities of Mashhad, Qum and Shiraz, they were carried to religious shrines for blessings.

Some mourners carried the yellow flag of the Fatemiyoun Brigade with its emblem. Local officials, clerics and a representa­tive from the Revolution­ary Guard and members of the

Afghan refugee community attended some of the funerals, according to photos and videos. Two little girls wearing matching pink jackets, their hair in ponytails, wailed at their father’s coffin at another funeral on the outskirts of Tehran.

“There is growing anxiety among Afghans that they are getting killed and Iran is not protecting them and disowning their martyrs to protect its own interests,” said Hossein Ehsani, an expert on militants and terrorism movements in the Middle East who is Afghan and grew up as a refugee in Iran. “They feel they are used as cannon fodder.”

Iran’s mission to the U.N. did not respond to a question about whether Iravani was aware of the Fatemiyoun casualties when he spoke to the Security Council.

Afghans, including fighters for the Quds Force, expressed anger and frustratio­n at Iran’s handling of these deaths, posting neardaily messages on a social media channel dedicated to Fatemiyoun voices. Some members questioned the silence of the Quds Force, calling it discrimina­tion.

Most of the Afghans who fled to Iran over the years were Hazaras, one of the largest ethnic groups in their country who share the Shiite Muslim faith with most Iranians.

At home in Afghanista­n, the Hazaras were among the natural allies of U.S. forces because they shared common enemies in the Taliban and in al-Qaida. But in the convoluted landscape of the Middle East today, they are now aligned with Iran and seeking to chase U.S. forces out of the region.

In Syria, the Fatemiyoun force was often the first line of defense in the battle against the Islamic State group and was widely credited for helping take back several Syrian cities. The government newspaper Iran said last week that at least 3,000 members of the force were killed in Syria over the years. The United States designated the Fatemiyoun as a terrorist organizati­on in 2019.

Analysts say that there is no evidence that Fatemiyoun forces were directly involved in attacks against U.S. bases in Iraq and Syria, which the Pentagon says have been targeted more than 160 times by Iranbacked proxies since the start of the Israel-Hamas war in October. But the Fatemiyoun Brigade plays a significan­t role in helping Iran coordinate logistics on the ground for the network of militias it supports, funds and arms across the region.

The Fatemiyoun forces oversee bases that serve as key stops along the supply chain of weapons, including drones, missile parts and technology, that makes its way from Iran to Iraq and then Syria and to Hezbollah in Lebanon, according to analysts and a military strategist affiliated with the Revolution­ary Guard, who asked not to be identified because he was not authorized to speak publicly.

“When the wider Syrian conflict froze several years ago, there was an expectatio­n that Fatemiyoun would go home, disband and demobilize,” said Charles Lister, director of the Syria and Countering Terrorism and Extremism programs at the Middle East Institute in Washington. “But they have kind of melted into the wider regional network and have found a role to play — holding ground, coordinati­ng logistics and wider coordinati­on on the ground.”

U.S. fighter jets destroyed the base where the Fatemiyoun were killed in Deir el-Zour, in eastern Syria, leaving a pile of rubble, mangled bricks and debris, according to a photograph published on the website Saberin News, affiliated with Iran’s proxy militias.

Maj. Gen. Patrick Ryder, a Pentagon spokespers­on, declined to comment specifical­ly about the U.S. strikes killing Afghan fighters for Iran. But he said the strikes were conducted to hold the guard and its proxies accountabl­e and that “initial indication­s are that over 40 militants associated with Iranian proxy groups were killed or injured.”

Iranian commanders and key personnel were evacuated from the bases in anticipati­on of the U.S. strikes as the Biden administra­tion signaled for nearly a week that attacks were pending. But Afghans remained at the base, one Iranian official affiliated with the guard said, adding that military bases couldn’t be abandoned.

 ?? TIMES 2002
KIANA HAYERI/THE NEW YORK ?? Members of the Hazara Shiite community observe the Ashura holiday in Kabul, Afghanista­n. Most Afghans who fled to Iran were part of its large Hazara minority, which shares the Shiite Muslim faith of most Iranians.
TIMES 2002 KIANA HAYERI/THE NEW YORK Members of the Hazara Shiite community observe the Ashura holiday in Kabul, Afghanista­n. Most Afghans who fled to Iran were part of its large Hazara minority, which shares the Shiite Muslim faith of most Iranians.

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