The Columbus Dispatch

Democrats see consequenc­es from redistrict­ing reform

Sacrificing power for reform could cost House

- Nicholas Riccardi

DENVER – Democrats have long argued that the once-a-decade process of redrawing political maps shouldn’t be a partisan cage match. In the name of good government and balance, they’ve pushed for independen­t commission­s to do the work of rebalancin­g population changes into congressio­nal districts.

They’re about to feel the consequenc­es of their focus on fairness.

In Democratic-controlled Colorado, Virginia and Oregon, new congressio­nal maps drawn by commission­s or bipartisan power-sharing agreements are unlikely to give the party the sort of political advantages it could have otherwise enjoyed.

Republican­s, meanwhile, haven’t given up their power, controllin­g the process in 20 states, including Florida, Texas and North Carolina.

The imbalance could come with major consequenc­es. Democrats control the House of Representa­tives by an eight-seat margin. Choosing not to seize advantages in redistrict­ing could cost Democrats the House.

“There should be concern within the Democratic Party that we may have been too quick to seek reform without really looking at the long-term implicatio­ns,” said Rick Ridder, a Democratic strategist in Denver.

This year, commission­s will draw 95 congressio­nal seats that otherwise would have been drawn solely by Democrats and only 13 that would have been drawn by Republican­s.

To be sure, not all Democratic states have sacrificed power for reform. Democratic-controlled states such as Illinois and Maryland are heavily gerrymande­red. And Democratic-controlled state legislatur­es can overrule commission­s in New Mexico and especially New York, where the party could erase several GOP House seats if it controls the map.

But given the narrow margins, the commission states matter. In Colorado, where President Joe Biden won by 13 percentage points last year, the nonpartisa­n commission released a preliminar­y map on Friday which could lead the parties to evenly split the state’s eight congressio­nal seats. In contrast, some Democratic maps split 6-2 in their favor. The difference, a net of four congressio­nal seats, is half the Democratic margin in the House.

In Virginia, where Democrats control the legislatur­e and hold the governor’s office, party leaders are worried the bipartisan commission could deadlock, kicking control of redistrict­ing to the state Supreme Court, dominated by Gop-appointed judges. The court would likely hire experts to draw the maps determinin­g the political compositio­n of the state’s 11 congressio­nal districts and its state legislativ­e seats.

And in Oregon, a solidly blue state that is gaining a congressio­nal seat, the Democrats who control a super majority in the state legislatur­e agreed to evenly divide their redistrict­ing committee between Democrats and Republican­s.

On Friday, the two parties released dueling maps for the state. The Democratic map shores up one swing district represente­d by Democratic Rep. Peter Defazio by pulling in more voters of his party, and creates a safe Democratic district west of Portland for Oregon’s sixth and newest district. The Republican version keeps both districts competitiv­e. A deadlock kicks the process to the Democratic secretary of state.

Good government advocates have long argued for nonpartisa­n commission­s to oversee redistrict­ing to end gerrymande­ring, the centuries-old practice of drawing districts designed to pack opponents’ voters into one place, or scatter them across districts to minimize their voting power. The practice shrinks the number of competitiv­e districts, hardening partisan polarizati­on, and can blunt the political power of some racial and ethnic groups.

Republican­s have argued that both parties gerrymande­r. Democratic worries about the Colorado and Virginia commission­s expose the party’s hypocrisy, said Adam Kincaid, executive director of the National Republican Redistrict­ing Trust, which oversees line-drawing for the GOP.

“It’s as if they see these commission­s as an extension of the Democratic Party and not as the fair-minded independen­t bodies they say they are,” he said.

Kelly Ward Burton of the National Democratic Redistrict­ing Committee said Democrats have pushed redistrict­ing reforms, unlike the GOP.

In Virginia, when Republican­s controlled the state legislatur­e in 2019, Democrats in that body voted to put a commission measure on the ballot. The following year, after Democrats took control of the legislatur­e, only some Democrats took the required second vote to place the measure before voters, now aided enthusiast­ically by out-of-power Republican­s.

The initiative passed overwhelmi­ngly in November 2020, as voters handed Biden a 10 percentage point victory.

Half of the commission’s 16 members are state legislator­s. If the commission formally deadlocks, the state Supreme Court draws the maps, a prospect that alarms Democrats given its lack of progress.

“We have made a mistake,” said Lashrecse Aird, a Democratic delegate who voted against the measure both times it came up in the state legislatur­e.

 ?? CAROLYN KASTER/AP FILE ?? California under Republican governor Arnold Schwarzene­gger passed a ballot measure in 2008 creating a nonpartisa­n redistrict­ing commission.
CAROLYN KASTER/AP FILE California under Republican governor Arnold Schwarzene­gger passed a ballot measure in 2008 creating a nonpartisa­n redistrict­ing commission.

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