The Columbus Dispatch

Setbacks imperil Biden’s reboot

In one hour, president suffers several blows

- Jonathan Lemire and Zeke Miller

WASHINGTON – It was an hour President Joe Biden would no doubt like to forget.

On Friday, the Pentagon acknowledg­ed that a drone strike in Afghanista­n killed 10 civilians, including seven children, not terrorists. A panel advising the Food and Drug Administra­tion voted to not recommend COVID-19 booster shots for all Americans over age 16, dashing an administra­tion hope. And France announced it was recalling its ambassador to the United States out of anger for being cut out of a secret nuclear submarine deal Biden had struck with the United Kingdom and Australia.

The headlines, all within an hour, underscore­d the perils for any president from situations that can define a term in office.

Already, Biden has seen public approval numbers trend downward as the pandemic has deepened and Americans cast blame for the flawed U.S. withdrawal from Afghanista­n.

The administra­tion had hoped to roll out tougher vaccine guidelines, a new internatio­nal alliance to thwart China and a recommitme­nt to what Biden has done best: drawing on his years on Capitol Hill and knowledge of the legislativ­e process to cajole fellow Democrats to pass the two far-reaching spending bills that make up the heart of his agenda.

Those ambitions are now more difficult to achieve.

Biden has proclaimed defeating the pandemic to be the central mission of

his presidency. But the United States is now averaging more than 145,000 confirmed COVID-19 cases per day, compared with a low of about 8,500 per day three months ago.

The president has tried to shift the blame for the resurgence of cases to the more than 70 million Americans who have not gotten a vaccine and the GOP lawmakers who have opposed his increasing­ly forceful efforts to push people to get a shot. Aides had hoped for full FDA approval for the boosters, yet the advisory panel only recommende­d them for those over age 65 or with underlying health conditions or special circumstan­ces.

Biden aides in recent days had quietly expressed relief that the Afghanista­n withdrawal – like the war itself for much of its nearly two decades – has receded from headlines. That feeling was shattered Friday afternoon when the Pentagon revealed the errant target for what was believed to be the final American drone strike of the war.

Biden had long advocated leaving Afghanista­n. Even after a suicide bombing killed 13 American service members, he told advisers the withdrawal decision was correct. He is known for his certitude, a stubbornne­ss that flashed when he dismissed suggestion­s that he express regret for how the withdrawal occurred.

Aides have since been quick to note that more than 120,000 people have been successful­ly evacuated and they say U.S. efforts are securing the steady departure of others from under Taliban rule.

The end in Afghanista­n was part of an effort to refocus foreign policy on China, an aim that accelerate­d with the surprise announceme­nt of the agreement

between the United States, United Kingdom and Australia.

But not only did Beijing balk, so did Paris, as France angrily accused the U.S. of cutting France out of the alliance and scuttling its own submarine deal with Australia.

And then France recalled its ambassador after its officials expressed dismay that, in their estimation, Biden had proven to be as unreliable a partner as his predecesso­r Donald Trump.

The strain with France came just as Biden had hoped to pivot to his ambitious domestic agenda.

But there are ideologica­l divides among the Democrats on Capitol Hill about the $3.5 trillion spending package meant to be passed in tandem with the $1 trillion bipartisan infrastruc­ture bill. And all of Congress will be forced to

juggle the White House’s legislatio­n while being swamped with imminent deadlines on the debt ceiling and government funding.

The West Wing is recreating a legislativ­e strategy that worked to secure passage of the $1.9 trillion COVID relief in March and pushed the $1 trillion bipartisan infrastruc­ture bill through the Senate in August, according to a half dozen White House aides and outside advisers who were not authorized to publicly discuss internal deliberati­ons and spoke on condition of anonymity.

With Biden cajoling lawmakers, the infrastruc­ture bill is to be passed through the House along with the $3.5 trillion spending bill that contains many of the president’s priorities, such as like climate change and child care, and would pass the Senate along party lines.

Because the Senate is in a 50-50 tie and Democrats’ margin in the House is only a handful of seats, few votes can be lost. It could be a formidable task to unite Democratic moderates such as Sens. Joe Manchin of West Virginia and Kyrsten Sinema of Arizona, who want a far smaller spending bill, with liberals including Sen. Bernie Sanders of Vermont, who has steadfastl­y said it could not shrink.

The White House also has begun filling the president’s schedule again with events meant to highlight the need to pass the bills, including linking visits to the sites of natural disasters – fires in California and Idaho, hurricane damage in Louisiana and the Northeast – to the climate change funding in the legislatio­n.

This past Thursday, on what had previously been tentativel­y planned as a down day for Biden, the White House scheduled him to give a speech from the East Room during which he zeroed in on how tax enforcemen­t to get big corporatio­ns and wealthy Americans to pay more would help fund his plan, without offering any new details.

But there are roadblocks. Manchin told Biden that he could not support $3.5 trillion and White House aides have begun signaling that they would settle for a smaller package, even if it raises the ire of progressiv­es.

Biden’s advisers believe that, even if there is some unhappines­s with the package, no Democratic lawmaker would want to be perceived as underminin­g the centerpiec­e of the agenda of a president from their own party.

The White House is also scaling back the president’s travel so he can support the agenda on Capitol Hill, but it’s led to concerns among some Democratic lawmakers that Biden isn’t doing enough to personally sell the legislatio­n to their constituen­ts across the country.

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 ?? MANUEL BALCE CENETA/AP ?? President Joe Biden has seen public approval numbers trend downward as the pandemic has deepened and Americans cast blame for the flawed US withdrawal from Afghanista­n.
MANUEL BALCE CENETA/AP President Joe Biden has seen public approval numbers trend downward as the pandemic has deepened and Americans cast blame for the flawed US withdrawal from Afghanista­n.

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