The Columbus Dispatch

The trade-offs of federally mandated paid leave

- Veronique de Rugy Special to Fremont

The nonsensica­l coverage of the debate over paid leave continues. Apparently, opposing a federal paid-leave program is the equivalent of being anti-family or pro-suffering, or so we’re told. We rarely get informatio­n about the full consequenc­es of such a policy.

What kinds of employment leave options do workers use the most? Who exactly doesn’t have paid leave currently? Are there legitimate reasons for an employer not to provide it? Or, would a government program target only those workers who do not currently have employer-provided paid leave?

These are some of the questions that are rarely asked by those who insist our government impose a sweeping new program.

Let me try. On average, 15% of workers will take paid family or medical leave annually. As the Heritage Foundation’s Rachel Greszler noted in congressio­nal testimony, “Surveys show that virtually all workers who have a need for leave take it, and nearly three out of every four who take leave receive full or partial pay.”

Considerin­g the media’s general coverage of the issue, I wouldn’t blame you for not knowing this fact.

Most leave is based on medical needs

In recent years, most of the attention has gone to parental leave. However, you might not know this is only one of four different types of leave options available to workers. While parental leave is the easiest to plan for, as Greszler notes, “(m) ore than half of all leaves are taken by workers based on their own medical needs, with the remaining quarter taken by workers to care for family members. Many of those leaves can be unpredicta­ble and require varying lengths of leave.”

Of course, not all workers have access to paid leave. But that’s unsurprisi­ng. Paid-leave benefits aren’t free, no matter who formally provides them. When employers provide this benefit, employees receive less take-home pay than they otherwise would. Some folks may prefer to have paid leave in their benefits, but many don’t. Meanwhile, a federal program wouldn’t be free either, as it would be paid for with a payroll tax.

Studies show support for mandated paid leave drops when employees, including many lower-paid workers, find out what it costs them in take-home pay.

Further, while it’s expensive, a federal program won’t actually help many workers who do not have access to paid leave. That’s because most of them are selfemploy­ed, are employed by very small companies or are in temporary and parttime jobs.

For instance, state-level data show only a small share of lower-income workers tends to use state paid-leave programs. Even if a person is eligible, the costs (both from payroll tax and administra­tion) are too high for the benefits, especially if the program provides less than 100% of the wages and takes a few weeks

to provide a payment.

Different for self-employed workers

The issue is different for self-employed workers. There are about 25.7 million small firms with no employees (sole proprietor­ships), and more than 9.4 million independen­t workers, most of whom are sole proprietor­s. While these workers could sign up for disability insurance to get paid-leave benefits, many of them don’t. The insurance is an up-front cost for a benefit they may never use.

If state paid-leave plans are any indication, having a federal program won’t change much. In New York, for instance, independen­t contractor­s must opt into the state program and start paying in within the first 26 weeks of starting their business. If they don’t, they will need to pay in for two years before accessing benefits. Other states have fewer requiremen­ts, but the cost is generally not worth the benefit.

The bottom line is most workers already have paid leave, and their benefits are often much better and more flexible than those provided by government. Unfortunat­ely, a federal paid-leave program wouldn’t help most low-skilled workers. And for independen­t contractor­s, their costs would go up significantly for a limited benefit.

Veronique de Rugy is the George Gibbs Chair in Political Economy and a senior research fellow with the Mercatus Center at George Mason University.

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