The Commercial Appeal

The zealots triumph again

- CHARLES KRAUTHAMME­R Contact columnist Charles Krauthamme­r of the Washington Post Writers Group at letters@ charleskra­uthammer.com.

WASHINGTON — The debate over campaign contributi­ons is never- ending for a simple reason: Both sides of the argument have merit.

On the one hand, of course money is speech. For most citizens, contributi­ng to politician­s or causes is the most effective way to augment and amplify speech with which they agree. The most disdainful dismissers of this argument are editoriali­sts and incumbent politician­s who — surprise! — already enjoy access to vast audiences and don’t particular­ly like their monopoly being invaded by the unwashed masses or the selfmade plutocrat.

On the other hand, of course money is corrupting. The nation’s jails are well stocked with mayors, legislator­s, judges and the occasional governor who have exchanged favors for cash. However, there are lesser — and legal — forms of i nf luence- peddling short of the outright quid pro quo. Campaign contributi­ons are carefully calibrated to approach that line without crossing it. But money distorts. There is no denying the unfairness of big contributo­rs buying access unavailabl­e to the everyday citizen.

Hence the endless law-writing to restrict political contributi­ons, invariably followed by multiple fixes to correct the inevitable loopholes.

For a long time, a simple finesse offered a rather elegant solution: no limits on giving — but with full disclosure.

Open the f loodgates, and let the monies, big and small, check and balance each other. And let transparen­cy be the safeguard against corruption. As long as you know who is giving what to whom, you can look for, find and, if necessary, prosecute corrupt connection­s between donor and receiver.

This used to be my position. No longer. I had not foreseen how donor lists would be used not to ferret out corruption but to pursue and persecute citizens with contrary views. Which corrupts the very idea of full disclosure.

It is now an invitation to the creation of enemies lists. Containing, for example, Brendan Eich, forced to resign as Mozilla CEO when it was disclosed that six years earlier he’d given $1,000 to support a California referendum banning gay marriage. He was hardly the first. Activists compiled blacklists of donors to Propositio­n 8 and went after them. Indeed, shortly after the referendum passed, both the artistic director of the California Musical Theatre in Sacramento and the president of the Los Angeles Film Festival were hounded out of office.

Referendum­s produce the purest example of transparen­cy misused because corrupt favoritism is not an issue. There’s no one to corrupt. Supporting a referendum is a pure expression of one’s beliefs. Full disclosure in that context becomes a cudgel, an invitation to harassment.

Sometimes the state itself does the harassing. The IRS scandal left many members of political groups exposed to abuse, such as the unlawful release of confidenti­al data. In another case, the Barack Obama campaign website in 2012 published the names of eight big donors to Mitt Romney, alleging them to have “less than reputable records.” A glow-in-the-dark target having been painted on his back, Idaho businessma­n Frank VanderSloo­t (reported The Wall Street Journal’s Kimberley Strassel) suddenly found himself subject to multiple audits, including two by the IRS.

In his lone dissent to the disclosure requiremen­t in Citizens United, Justice Clarence Thomas argued that American citizens should not be subject to “death threats, ruined careers, damaged or defaced property, or pre-emptive and threatenin­g warning letters as the price for engaging in core political speech, the primary object of First Amendment protection.” (Internal quote marks omitted.)

In fact, wariness of full disclosure goes back to 1958 when the Supreme Court ruled that the NAACP did not have to release its membership list to the state, understand­ing that such disclosure would surely subject its members to persecutio­n.

A different era, a different set of dissidents. But the naming of names, the listing of lists, goes on. The enforcers are at it again, this time armed with sortable Internet donor lists.

The ultimate victim here is full disclosure itself. If revealing your views opens you to the politics of personal destructio­n, then transparen­cy, however valuable, must give way to the ultimate core political good, free expression.

Our collective loss. Coupling unlimited donations and full disclosure was a reasonable way to reconcile the irreconcil­ables of campaign finance. Like so much else in our politics, however, it has been ruined by zealots. What a pity.

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