The Commercial Appeal

Grace that demanded a response

- By Charles Krauthamme­r

Washington Post Writers Group Politicall­y, because doing so would cause something of an insurrecti­on. And culturally, because Americans cherish — cling to, as Obama once had it — their guns as a symbol of freedom. You can largely ban guns in Canada where the founding document gives the purpose of confederat­ion as the achievemen­t of “peace, order and good government.” Harder to disarm a nation whose founding purpose is “life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.”

With gun control going nowhere, the psychic national need post-Charleston to nonetheles­s do something took a remarkable direction: banishment of the Confederat­e flag, starting with the one flying on the grounds of the statehouse in Columbia, then spreading like wildfire to consume Confederat­e flags, symbols and statues everywhere.

Logically, the connection is tenuous. Yes, Roof poses with the Confederat­e flag, among other symbols of racism, on his website. But does anyone imagine that if the South Carolina flag had been relegated to a museum, the massacre would not have occurred?

Politicall­y, the murders created a unique moment. Gov. Nikki Haley was surely sincere in calling for the flag’s removal. But she also understood the massacre had created a moment when the usual proConfede­rate flag feeling — and, surely, expression­s of it — would be largely suppressed, presenting the opportunit­y to achieve something otherwise politicall­y unachievab­le.

But there’s a deeper reason for this rush to move Confederat­e symbols from the public square to the museum. The trigger was not just the massacre, but even more tellingly, the breathtaki­ng display of nobility and spiritual generosity by the victims’ relatives. Within 48 hours of the murder of their loved ones, they spoke of redemption and reconcilia­tion and even forgivenes­s of the killer himself. It was an astonishin­gly moving expression of Christian charity.

Such grace demands a response. In a fascinatin­g dynamic, it created a feeling of moral obligation to reciprocat­e in some way. The flag was not material to the crime itself, but its connection to the underlying race history behind the crime suggested its removal from the statehouse grounds — whatever the endlessly debated merits of the case — could serve as a reciprocal gesture of reconcilia­tion.

The result was a microcosm of — and a historical lesson in — the moral force of the original civil rights movement, whose genius was to understand the effect that combating evil with good, violence with grace would have on a fundamenta­lly decent American nation.

America was indeed moved. The result was the civil rights acts. The issue today is no longer legal equality. It is more a matter of sorting through historical memory.

The Confederat­e flags would ultimately have come down. That is a good thing. They are now coming down in a rush. The haste may turn out to be problemati­c.

We will probably overshoot, as we are wont to do. Perhaps we can learn from Arlington National Cemetery, founded by the victorious Union to bury its dead. There, Section 16 contains the remains of hundreds of Confederat­e soldiers grouped around a modest, moving monument to their devotion to “duty as they understood it” — a gesture by the Union of soldierly respect, without any concession regarding the taintednes­s of their cause.

Or shall we uproot them as well?

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