The Commercial Appeal

Media needs higher standards on reporting on the mentally ill

- Your Turn

When will journalism grapple with the ethics of interviewi­ng mentally ill arrestees?

When, in a December 2016 column for The Hill, I accused the New York Times, the venerable “Gray Lady” of American journalism, of violating basic journalist­ic ethics in its reporting on the arrest of a patently mentally ill man in D.C. — and then, the Washington Post’s media critic Erik Wemple wrote his own column a week later piggybacki­ng on my complaints — I was sure something more would come of it.

But, because the press, even blueribbon progressiv­e newspapers like the Times and the Post, are ultimately more concerned with printing the news — and scooping the competitio­n — than the ethics of how their informatio­n is obtained, even when fundamenta­l constituti­onal rights of the accused are at stake, prospects for reform do not appear promising.

At a minimum, I thought Wemple would follow up on his story, to get to the bottom of my allegation­s. Or, when Wemple wimped out on providing the Post’s readers with closure, that other news outlets and purported media “watchdogs,” concerned about journalist­ic ethics, would step in and provide a resolution to the story.

Naively, as a former public defender, I dreamed that as a result of the minor brouhaha my op-ed had generated, The Times would delineate clearer, more cautionary guidelines for its journalist­s.

I dream The Times would create guidelines that would provide guidance and ultimately govern the interviewi­ng of recent arrestees where there exists reason to believe that the accused is laboring under a mental illness, or, is otherwise not of sound mind, and, therefore, is perhaps, unable to competentl­y waive critical constituti­onal rights in the face of dogged questionin­g from a persistent reporter.

I had also hoped that perhaps jails and prisons, which are legally obligated to protect their population­s, would take notice and ensure that appropriat­e special procedures are in place in their institutio­ns, including approval by, or at the bare minimum prior notificati­on to, defense lawyers, for media contacts, and that these procedures are followed with care in every case.

Now like most criminal defense attorneys, I was drilled to explain the attorney-client privilege and the right to remain silent at the very first meeting with a new client, crucial advice to later be repeated and stressed, often, in a variety of different ways and settings.

Especially in high profile “media” cases, my fellow public defenders and I were even taught that it was particular­ly important to warn new clients that eager, ambitious members of the press could try and visit them at the jail to try and get them to talk about the allegation­s — and how, by doing so, they could gravely imperil their chances of later beating their criminal case.

But I never understood, and I still don’t understand, why or how the press, and here I especially mean the progressiv­e liberal news media, but also, the conservati­ve, libertaria­n, and other “types” of traditiona­l and modern age journalist­s and news organizati­ons, who frequently espouse a stake in the protection of core constituti­onal values, can get off so easy.

While the First Amendment right of the press to gather informatio­n about criminal cases is essential in a free republic, journalist­s that care about the Constituti­on should care about all parts of it, including being cognizant and respectful of the Fifth and Sixth Amendment rights of the accused.

This is especially true in cases where mental illness is at play and the power dynamics between reporter and defendant are grossly disproport­ionate.

Before a journalist shows up at a jail to try and interview a new arrestee, particular­ly one who, from all outward appearance­s, is suffering from the debilitati­ng effects of a mental health problem, why don’t they have any ethical duty to even inform the attorney of record that they are planning to try and do so?

At a minimum, why aren’t there well-defined policies at the New York Times, the Washington Post, and in newsrooms all across the country providing a protocol for reporters conducting interviews in penal settings to follow?

Stephen Cooper is a former D.C. public defender who worked as an assistant federal public defender in Alabama between 2012 and 2015. He writes full-time and lives in Woodland Hills, California. Follow him on Twitter @Stevecoope­resq.

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Stephen Cooper Guest columnist

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