The Commercial Appeal

Towns carry weight of immigratio­n policy

Local government­s spend millions on migrant care

- Alan Gomez USA TODAY

When U.S. Border Patrol agents started dumping migrants at a San Antonio bus station in late March, sometimes in the middle of the night with no warning, Colleen Bridger didn’t know what to do.

The assistant city manager wanted to speak with the Border Patrol to figure out what was going on, how to coordinate the drop-off times and how to assess the volume of migrants San Antonio could expect in the future. But because the Texas city is 150 miles from the U.s.-mexico border and had never dealt with an influx of undocument­ed immigrants before, there was a problem.

“I didn’t even know the right department or division or office to call,” Bridger said.

Since then, San Antonio has received more than 31,000 migrants released by the Border Patrol after they requested asylum. The city converted a former Quiznos restaurant into a migrant processing center, gave them food and medical screenings, provided cellphones so they could call relatives in the U.S., and partnered with a local church to provide overnight bed space. All told, those efforts have cost San Antonio more than $540,000.

A USA TODAY Network review of dozens of communitie­s along the border – and some far from it – shows that local government­s have spent at least $7 million over the past year to care for thousands of undocument­ed migrants released after being detained by the federal government. Leaders in those communitie­s say it’s their moral responsibi­lity to care for migrants who are often sick from their time in Border Patrol facilities, exhausted from their journey and usually out of money.

“We had to respond,” Bridger said. “The vast majority of these families have young children, so the alternativ­e is having hundreds of families sleeping on the streets.”

City leaders from both political parties say they are frustrated with the Trump administra­tion for what they describe as an unfunded mandate, forcing local communitie­s to pick up the pieces of a broken federal immigratio­n system.

In Deming, New Mexico, federal immigratio­n authoritie­s dealing with overcrowde­d federal properties have dumped more than 7,500 migrants on the streets of a community with a population of 14,000. Officials in Albuquerqu­e were already struggling to care for 4,000 homeless people before the federal government released 4,000 migrants there.

“This is not our job to do,” said Pat Davis, a Democratic city councilor in Albuquerqu­e, which budgeted $250,000 this year to help nonprofit groups care for migrants. “People pay city taxes to get their trash picked up, to have the police come when somebody breaks into their house, to put out fires. Now the federal government is telling cities that they have to use local money to fix a national problem.”

The frustratio­n is also evident in Republican-leaning communitie­s.

Last year, the Gop-controlled San Diego County Board of Supervisor­s voted to join the Trump administra­tion in a lawsuit challengin­g the state of California’s so-called “sanctuary” law that limits state cooperatio­n with federal immigratio­n officials. But after Border Patrol started dropping off migrants in the county – some flown all the way from Texas – those same Republican­s decided to step in to help the migrants.

The board voted to use county property to house migrants, and has coordinate­d food, medical care and transporta­tion for more than 17,000 migrants, at a cost of more than $2.7 million so far this year.

“We didn’t want to see these families released onto our streets without any support or guidance,” said Republican Supervisor Greg Cox, who co-sponsored the plan. “Health knows no borders.”

In April, the board went a step farther, voting to sue the Trump administra­tion over its practice of dumping migrants in border communitie­s.

“We had to do the right thing, and we did,” said Nathan Fletcher, the lone Democrat on the commission who cosponsore­d the plan with Cox. “But it was wholly unnecessar­y. It was a manufactur­ed political crisis so that Donald Trump has something to tweet about.”

The millions spent by local government­s represent only part of the costs of caring for migrants. A legion of nonprofit organizati­ons, civil rights groups, medical centers, churches and volunteers have spent millions more and dedicated thousands of hours – often unpaid – to help care for migrants.

In Yuma, Arizona, where more than 5,000 migrants have been released, the Salvation Army provided a building to serve as an overnight shelter for them, the Red Cross provided cots, the Yuma Community Food Bank delivered meals, the Yuma Regional Medical Center helped care for them and Catholic Community Services coordinate­d transporta­tion for migrants to reach their final destinatio­ns. Combined, those organizati­ons have spent more than $1.5 million to care for migrants this year. The city has not provided any funding to assist, but Yuma Mayor Douglas Nicholls, a Republican who strongly defends President Donald Trump, said it’s unfair to ask those groups to foot the bill for an immigratio­n crisis that is the responsibi­lity of the federal government.

During an appearance before the House Budget Committee in Washington in June, Nicholls suggested the Federal Emergency Management Agency be tasked with caring for migrants given its experience dealing with people in dire situations.

“The drain of current resources and strain on the community causes a real loss to the community,” Nicholls testified.

Congress set aside $30 million to reimburse border communitie­s as part of a $4.6 billion emergency spending bill passed in July that is mostly going to bolster conditions in federal facilities. But local officials still have no idea how that money will be distribute­d, or how much of it will actually make its way down to each local government.

During the migrant crisis in 2014, when a wave of unaccompan­ied minors flooded the southern border, the city of Mcallen, Texas, mobilized a massive response to help care for them.

Contributi­ng: Bart Jansen in Washington, D.C.; Rick Jervis in Austin, Texas; Rebecca Plevin in Palm Springs; Rafael Carranza in Phoenix; Aaron Montes in El Paso.

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