The Commercial Appeal

Reparation­s about repair for a community, not dollars

- Erika Alexander and Nina Turner

Reparation­s are gaining ground, with measures passed in states including California, North Carolina and Vermont, and now in the city of Evanston, Illinois. While this progress is necessary, local initiative­s aren’t enough on their own. Slavery was national policy, and its aftermath remains a national crisis.

Federal action is long overdue, but it could be on the horizon. The House Judiciary Committee voted for H.R. 40, a bill that would establish a commission to study the impact of slavery and propose ideas for reparation­s. Everyone from the civil rights community to Catholic priests to Ben & Jerry’s, and even a major U.S. bank, are supporting reparation­s initiative­s.

Despite growing excitement about the bill – and its overwhelmi­ng popularity in the Black community – its passage isn’t guaranteed. That word “reparation­s” still scares a lot of people, including members of Congress, in part because they don’t understand what it is. They think that reparation­s is about cutting a check, when it’s really about repair for a community that has suffered enormously for centuries.

Reparation­s can mean fixing a policing system that disproport­ionately profiles, arrests and kills Black people; reforming an incarcerat­ion system that has disproport­ionately put Black people behind bars; changing an educationa­l system that still segregates children based on race; addressing discrimina­tion in housing that prevents Black people from qualifying for home loans or exposes them to predatory lenders; and yes, direct financial compensati­on.

Reparation­s isn’t what we should fear. The real nightmare is what has happened – and will unfold – in a nation that refuses to tend to those it has wounded. A failure to reckon with the past leaves a void that allows white supremacy to gain strength, from the steps of the U.S. Capitol to our own communitie­s. It makes no sense to fear a world with reparation­s for Black Americans when we’ve already seen how terror proliferat­es in a world without it.

If the past few years have taught us anything, it’s that white supremacy is still going strong. Many Americans never imagined they would see the horrors that white supremacis­ts brought to Charlottes­ville, Virginia. They never thought they’d watch in real time a ob full of white supremacis­ts bringing zip ties, Confederat­e insignia and violence into the Capitol.

But most Black people know all too well that these crises aren’t anomalies. U.S. history is replete with examples of the government capitulati­ng to, empowering and participat­ing in white supremacy, at the expense of people who look like us.

Take the year 1850, when enslaved people were fleeing Southern plantation­s and seeking refuge in free states. In an effort to stave off a civil war, Congress passed the Fugitive Slave Act, which demanded that enslaved Africans be returned to their owners, even if they had escaped to states where slavery was outlawed.

The federal government calculated that selling Black people to the wolves was the only way to appease the South and keep the nation unified. That act of political cowardice backfired, of course, and the nation went to war anyway.

When the Civil War ended in April 1865, the federal government had an opportunit­y to do right by those it had kept in bondage. This Reconstruc­tion period saw Black people, for the first time, owning land, casting votes and even winning public office in the South. But the North’s fidelity to equal rights proved short-lived.

Amid a contested presidenti­al election, Congress bowed to white supremacis­t pressure and brokered the Compromise of 1876, which put a Republican in the White House — but in return, it pulled federal troops out of the South and effectively ended Reconstruc­tion. Rightfully coined by freed Black people as “the Great Betrayal,” the compromise allowed the former Confederac­y to exact wide-scale retributio­n against the formerly enslaved.

White supremacy, rather than reparation­s, has always been the real monster, and its rampage didn’t stop with slavery. As Dreisen Heath of Human Rights Watch testified at February’s congressio­nal reparation­s hearing, slavery was followed by post-emancipati­on lynchings, disenfranc­hisement, massacres, redlining, mass incarcerat­ion and other abuses that have given white people an unwarrante­d leg up as Black people continue fighting for full equity.

The systemic racism that continues after slavery should keep all Americans up at night. Centuries after racist slave patrols formed the foundation of American policing in the South, Black people are still disproport­ionately arrested and killed by law enforcemen­t, and abusive police officers are rarely held to account.

The persistenc­e of the racial wealth gap also highlights the need for change. The chasm between white and Black wealth is as large today as it was more than 50 years ago, and the COVID-19 health crisis has expanded it.

Concerns about a phantom reparation­s check should be redirected toward the very real racial disparitie­s in health care, which desperatel­y require repair.

Misinforma­tion about reparation­s and the refusal to pursue remedies for slavery is weakening the country as the threat of white supremacis­t extremism surges.

Congress needs to stop selling Black people out to appease those who want to destroy us. Reparation­s isn’t about cutting Black people a check. It’s about cutting us a break. Our elected leaders should finally stand up to white supremacy and set the country on the path of truth, repair and racial reconcilia­tion without delay. With H.R. 40, the opportunit­y is there. All they have to do is grab it.

Erika Alexander is an actress, producer and host of podcast “The Big Payback.”

Nina Turner, a former Ohio state senator, is a candidate for Ohio’s 11th Congressio­nal district.

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