The Day

People who elected Trump say it’s not yet time to judge him


Wilkes-Barre, Pa. — It’s been five months since the euphoria of a Donald Trump rally at the local arena brought optimism to this former Democratic stronghold. The snow from a long winter has begun melting into the rocky soil, and the digital sign in a torn-up parking lot blinks hopefully: “Warm days are coming.”

President Donald Trump has yet to deliver jobs or the repeal of Obamacare. But here, in an area crucial to his unexpected election victory, many residents are more frustrated with what they see as obstructio­n and a rush to judgment than they are with Trump.

Give him six months to prove himself, said an informatio­n technology supervisor. Give him a year, said a service manager. Give him four years, said a retired print shop owner.

“Give the man a chance,” said Crystal Matthews, a 59-year-old hospital employee. “They’re just going to fight him tooth and nail, the whole way.”

But while some supporters have abandoned the president amid an FBI investigat­ion, a string of political defeats and diplomatic flare-ups, most of those who voted for Trump have stuck with him.

Wilkes-Barre, in a valley along the Susquehann­a River, is emblematic of the mid-sized cities in the Rust Belt that proved decisive to Trump’s winning electoral formula and the tenacity of his support.

The region once drew prosperity from coal and remains dependent on industry including, in recent years, warehouse distributi­on and hydraulic fracturing, or fracking. The late 19th-century brick factories lend downtown a historic quality that sets it apart from the chain stores atop the hill overlookin­g town.

Jim Haggerty, a 63-year old resident of nearby Forty Fort, sat in Sweet Treet diner on a recent weekday morning, reading the local newspaper and lamenting that two of his three children left the area after obtaining college degrees. His third may have no choice but to do the same when he graduates.

“This area lacks quality jobs,” said Haggerty, who retired from the printing business he owned. “We’ve got blue collar, after blue collar, after blue collar.”

Haggerty voted twice for President Barack Obama but, like many here, was eager to experiment with someone he believed would run the country like a successful business.

Luzerne County, which includes Wilkes-Barre, gave nearly 60 percent of its vote to Trump, four years after supporting Obama. Among the three Pennsylvan­ia counties that flipped from blue to red in 2016, playing a key role in delivering the state to Trump, Luzerne had the largest Republican uptick — nearly 12 percentage points.

Trump built loyalty here. He held two rallies in Wilkes-Barre; the second came during the lowest point in his campaign, after a recording emerged in which he bragged about grabbing women against their will.

The crowd at the Mohegan Sun Arena chanted “CNN sucks” that day in October, a sign that they were more angry with the news media than with Trump.

Many of those who stood in the same arena this week to watch the Wilkes-Barre-Scranton Penguins face off against the Utica Comets in a minor league hockey game said they remained disgusted with the coverage of Trump. One man acidly rattled off the names of network anchors — Lester Holt, Wolf Blitzer — naming them as among the people conspiring to stop Trump from breaking the mold of “bought and paid for” politician­s.

“They’re going to do anything they have to do to make sure Trump doesn’t succeed,” said Rich Martini, a 51-year-old book printer, sipping a beer in the hallway amid the smell of glazed nuts and mustard.

“There’s a bias,” said David Ambrulavag­e, a 50-year-old IT manager, wearing a white Penguins jersey in the nosebleed seats as the Zamboni cleared the floor and Aerosmith’s “Dream On” blasted from the sound system.

Are Trump and his family making money off the presidency? He wouldn’t be the first, Ambrulavag­e said.

Did the Trump campaign collaborat­e with Russians to influence the election? They didn’t invent the emails that embarrasse­d Democratic nominee Hillary Clinton, he said. Those were drafted by Democrats.

Ambrulavag­e was also annoyed by the attention paid to smaller issues, like Kellyanne Conway, the Trump adviser, taking her shoes off on the president’s couch while snapping a picture of a group of visitors to the Oval Office.

Yet he does not leave Trump blameless. Like many here, Ambrulavag­e believes some of Trump’s wounds are self-inflicted, the result of tweeting unfounded claims and making provocativ­e statements when he doesn’t have to.

“He would be wise to cool it, stop doing it,” he said. “It only adds fuel to the fire.”

To Ambrulavag­e, those problems do not outweigh Trump’s focus on beefing up military spending, approving a crude oil pipeline from Canada and trying to prevent companies from moving their workforces overseas.

Ambrulavag­e wants to get rid of Obamacare and believes the president hurt his ability to win votes in Congress by creating a “lot of noise” with his tweets and outspoken comments.

Trump and Republican­s in Congress pledged to quickly repeal Obamacare, but last week, amid GOP infighting, pulled a bill that would have done so.

Health care is no longer at the top of Trump’s agenda, but several Trump supporters here remain adamant that the Affordable Care Act has to go, suggesting they may punish Trump and Republican lawmakers if they fail to live up to their promise.

Yet the definition of repeal, or what comes after it, demonstrat­es why the topic is so thorny for Republican­s.

Some want full repeal. Others want to “fine tune” the law, keeping popular features, like a provision allowing adult children to remain on their parents’ plans until age 26. One Trump supporter said he wanted stronger price controls on insurers and hospitals, going against the free-market strategy espoused by many on the right.

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