The Day

Trump dictated misleading claim

Sources say he overruled advisers who urged truth on Russia meeting

- By ASHLEY PARKER, CAROL D. LEONNIG, PHILIP RUCKER and TOM HAMBURGER

On the sidelines of the Group of 20 summit in Germany last month, President Donald Trump’s advisers discussed how to respond to a new revelation that Trump’s oldest son had met with a Russian lawyer during the 2016 campaign — a disclosure the advisers knew carried political and potentiall­y legal peril.

The strategy, the advisers agreed, should be for Donald Trump Jr. to release a statement to get ahead of the story. They wanted to be truthful, so their account couldn’t be repudiated later if the full details emerged.

But within hours, at the president’s direction, the plan changed.

Flying home from Germany on July 8 aboard Air Force One, Trump personally dictated a statement in which Trump Jr. said he and the Russian lawyer had “primarily discussed a program about the adoption of Russian children” when they met in June 2016, according to multiple people with knowledge of the deliberati­ons. The statement, issued to the New York Times as it prepared a story, emphasized that the subject of the meeting was “not a campaign issue at the time.”

The claims were later shown to be misleading.

Over the next three days, multiple accounts of the meeting were provided to the media as public pressure mounted, with Trump Jr. ultimately acknowledg­ing that he had accepted the meeting after receiving an email promising damaging informatio­n about Hillary Clinton as part of a Russian government effort to help his father’s campaign.

The extent of the president’s personal interventi­on in his son’s response, the de-

tails of which have not previously been reported, adds to a series of actions that Trump has taken that some advisers fear could place him and some members of his inner circle in legal jeopardy.

As Special Counsel Robert Mueller investigat­es potential obstructio­n of justice as part of his broader probe of Russian interferen­ce in the 2016 election, these advisers worry that the president’s direct involvemen­t leaves him needlessly vulnerable to allegation­s of a cover-up.

“This was ... unnecessar­y,” said one of the president’s advisers, who like most other people interviewe­d for this story spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss sensitive internal deliberati­ons. “Now someone can claim he’s the one who attempted to mislead. Somebody can argue the president is saying he doesn’t want you to say the whole truth.”

Trump has already come under criticism for steps he has taken to challenge and undercut the Russia probe.

He fired FBI Director James Comey on May 9 after a private meeting in which Comey said the president asked him if he could end the investigat­ion of ousted national security adviser Michael Flynn.

Director of National Intelligen­ce Daniel Coats told associates that Trump asked him in March if he could intervene with Comey to get the bureau to back off its focus on Flynn. In addition, Trump has repeatedly criticized Attorney General Jeff Sessions for recusing himself from overseeing the FBI’s Russian investigat­ion — a decision that was one factor leading to the appointmen­t of Mueller. And he has privately discussed his power to issue pardons, including for himself, and explored potential avenues for undercutti­ng Mueller’s work.

Although misleading the public or the press is not a crime, advisers to Trump and his family told The Washington Post that they fear any indication that Trump was seeking to hide informatio­n about contacts between his campaign and Russians almost inevitably would draw additional scrutiny from Mueller.

Trump, they say, is increasing­ly acting as his own lawyer, strategist and publicist, often disregardi­ng the recommenda­tions of the profession­als he has hired.

“He refuses to sit still,” the presidenti­al adviser said. “He doesn’t think he’s in any legal jeopardy, so he really views this as a political problem he is going to solve by himself.”

Trump has said that the Russia probe is “the greatest witch hunt in political history,” calling it an elaborate hoax created by Democrats to explain Clinton losing an election she should have won.

Because Trump believes he is innocent, some advisers explained, he therefore does not think he is at any legal risk for a cover-up. In his mind, they said, there is nothing to conceal.

The White House directed all questions for this story to the president’s legal team.

One of Trump’s attorneys, Jay Sekulow, declined to discuss the specifics of the president’s actions and his role in crafting his son’s statement about the Russian contact. Sekulow issued a one-sentence statement in response to a list of detailed questions from The Post.

“Apart from being of no consequenc­e, the characteri­zations are misinforme­d, inaccurate, and not pertinent,” Sekulow’s statement read.

Trump Jr. did not respond to requests for comment. His lawyer, Alan Futerfas, told The Post that he and his client “were fully prepared and absolutely prepared to make a fulsome statement” about the meeting, what led up to it and what was discussed.

Asked about Trump intervenin­g, Futerfas said, “I have no evidence to support that theory.” He described the process of drafting a statement as “a communal situation that involved communicat­ions people and various lawyers.”

Peter Zeidenberg, the deputy special prosecutor who investigat­ed the George W. Bush administra­tion’s leak of CIA operative Valerie Plame’s identity, said Mueller will have to dig into the crafting of Trump Jr.’s statement aboard Air Force One.

Prosecutor­s typically assume that any misleading statement is an effort to throw investigat­ors off the track, Zeidenberg said.

“The thing that really strikes me about this is the stupidity of involving the president,” Zeidenberg said. “They are still treating this like a family-run business and they have a PR problem . ... What they don’t seem to understand is this is a criminal investigat­ion involving all of them.”

The debate about how to deal with the June 2016 Trump Tower meeting began weeks before any news organizati­ons began to ask questions about it.

Kushner’s legal team first learned about the meeting when doing research to respond to congressio­nal requests for informatio­n. Congressio­nal investigat­ors wanted to know about any contacts the president’s son-in-law and senior adviser had with Russian officials or business people.

Kushner’s lawyers came across what they immediatel­y recognized would eventually become a problemati­c story. A string of emails showed Kushner attended a meeting with a Russian lawyer at Trump Tower in the midst of the campaign — one he had failed to disclose. Trump Jr. had arranged it, and then-campaign chairman Paul Manafort had also attended.

To compound what was, at best, a public relations fiasco, the emails, which had not yet surfaced publicly, showed Trump Jr. responding to the prospect of negative informatio­n on Clinton from Russia: “I love it.”

Lawyers and advisers for Trump, his son and son-in-law gamed out various strategies for disclosing the informatio­n to try to minimize the fallout of these new links between the Trump family and Russia, according to people familiar with the deliberati­ons.

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