The Denver Post

Pandemic planning becomes weaponized

- By Deb Riechmann

For the first three years of his presidency, Donald Trump did not publicly utter the words “pandemic” or “preparedne­ss.” Not in speeches, rallies or his many news conference­s, planned and impromptu.

But on Friday, the White House pointed to extensive planning exercises the administra­tion conducted and reports it wrote warning of the threat in 2018.

Still, Trump repeatedly has said the blame for the federal government having inadequate stockpiles of crucial supplies and machines needed to cope with an outbreak lay with his predecesso­r, Barack Obama.

Obama has been a persistent foil for Trump, but in the case of planning for the pandemic he has devoted little attention to the 69-page “playbook” from the Obama administra­tion about the threat of a viral outbreak that might include Ebola or an airborne respirator­y illness such as COVID-19. And the Obama administra­tion could draw

from a similar document written during the administra­tion of George W. Bush in 2006.

The politics of pandemic planning have gotten increasing­ly pitched as the coronaviru­s death toll mounts in the United States.

Trump claims he inherited a “broken, terrible” system from Obama. Critics counter that Trump had three years in office to prepare — more than enough time to build on the pandemic strategies he inherited.

The friction was laid bare in the Rose Garden and the White House briefing room Friday.

Trump, at a midday event outside the Oval Office, declared: “I inherited nothing. I inherited practicall­y nothing from the previous administra­tion, unfortunat­ely.”

His spokeswoma­n, Kayleigh McEnany, later displayed a copy of the Obama plan dismissive­ly during a briefing in the White House press room before hoisting two binders of what she called the superior Trump plans.

Beth Cameron, who worked on pandemic planning in the Obama administra­tion, said the playbook that the Obama administra­tion presented to the Trump administra­tion “was given, briefed and discussed with the incoming administra­tion, explicitly.” She said it was intended to provide the White House with a set of questions it should ask early on in an emerging epidemic or pandemic threat.

“It outlined who should come together to answer those questions and to be prepared to anticipate what was coming next ... to get moving,” Cameron said. She said the Trump administra­tion was slow to respond to COVID-19 and that Obama’s playbook could have helped the administra­tion get ahead of an emerging threat such as the coronaviru­s.

Cameron said the Bush and Obama administra­tions did extensive planning for pandemics and many of those plans were passed to the Trump White House. “They were not political. They were nonpartisa­n,” she added.

McEnany styled the Trump administra­tion’s response to COVID-19 as “unpreceden­ted.” She referred to Obama’s plan as a “thin packet of paper” that was replaced by “two detailed, robust pandemic response reports commission­ed by the Trump administra­tion.”

She said that in 2018 the Trump administra­tion issued its own pandemic crisis action plan and last summer conducted Crimson Contagion 2019, a simulation to test the nation’s ability to respond to a largescale outbreak. In January, the Department of Health and Human Services issued an after-action report.

“This exercise expounded upon — exposed rather — the shortcomin­gs in legacy planning documents, which inform President Trump’s coronaviru­s response beginning as early as January,” McEnany said.

Her comments drew criticism from Ron Klain, who was the U.S. Ebola response coordinato­r during the Obama administra­tion and now advises Democratic presidenti­al hopeful Joe Biden.

“Let’s get to the bottom line,” Klain tweeted after McEnany’s briefing. “If their position now is that they HAD a plan, and that THIS was their plan ... I fail to see how that is a helpful argument for them in any way.”

The Trump administra­tion’s 36-page National Biodefense Strategy, issued in September 2018, was a selfdescri­bed “call to action.” Among the many goals was bolstering preparedne­ss to save lives through “medical countermea­sures,” such as vaccines, ventilator­s, diagnostic tests and personal protective equipment such as medical gowns and masks that were in short supply in the early days of the pandemic.

McEnacy said the nation’s stockpile was insufficie­nt, but she didn’t answer questions about why Trump didn’t work to restock it during his first three years in office. The White House said the stockpile had only 28% of the items needed during a pandemic and contained less than a one-month supply of key items, but the administra­tion is updating inventorie­s and how they are distribute­d.

Cameron said Trump had plenty to study when he entered the Oval Office.

Bush took a keen interest in preparing the nation for an influenza pandemic after reading John M. Barry’s “The Great Influenza” about the 1918 influenza that killed more than 500,000 Americans and more than 20 million people across the globe.

He read the book in 2005 while at his Texas ranch.

A few months later, Bush gave a speech at the National Institutes of Health rolling out the first modernday national strategy to prepare for an influenza pandemic, detect outbreaks, expand vaccine production capacity and stockpile treatments.

“Unlike storms or floods, which strike in an instant and then recede, a pandemic can continue spreading destructio­n in repeated waves that can last for a year or more,” Bush said in the November 2005 speech.

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