The Denver Post

Perspectiv­e:

- By Michelle Goldberg Michelle Goldberg has been a New York Times opinion columnist since 2017.

Obamagate is a fake scandal, but there is a real one

Recently people on the right have started pushing a ludicrous pseudo-scandal they’re calling Obamagate. It holds that investigat­ions by Barack Obama’s administra­tion into Russia’s attack on the 2016 U.S. presidenti­al election were a form of illicit sabotage of Donald Trump and his team. The story doesn’t really make sense, which is why, when asked about Obamagate, President Trump couldn’t describe it.

But at the heart of the conspiracy theory is “unmasking,” the routine practice by which national security officials find out the names of Americans who appear on intelligen­ce intercepts of foreign actors. Trumpists have tried to turn this into a sinister and portentous term.

Obamagate exists to rewrite the history of Robert Mueller’s investigat­ion into Russian interferen­ce to make Trump the victim, rather than someone who actively sought Russia’s help and then took steps to reward the nation’s president, Vladimir Putin, for providing it.

Trump often accuses others of misdeeds that he is guilty of; recall his sputtering response to Hillary Clinton calling him a Putin puppet in a 2016 debate: “No puppet! No puppet! You’re the puppet!” In Obamagate, he is accusing his opponents of politicizi­ng intelligen­ce because of a political vendetta, which is what his administra­tion is currently doing.

Richard Grenell, the erstwhile Twitter troll now serving as the acting director of national intelligen­ce, just released a list of Obama officials whose “unmasking” requests revealed the name of Michael Flynn, who would soon become Trump’s national security adviser. Flynn had lots of sketchy contacts before Trump’s inaugurati­on. Besides a call to the Russian ambassador at the time, Sergey Kislyak, that he lied about to the FBI, he was also tied to a purported scheme to kidnap and extradite a Turkish cleric living in Pennsylvan­ia, among other escapades. Naturally, his name surfaced in foreign communicat­ions monitored by U.S. intelligen­ce agencies, communicat­ions that national security officials had good reason to want to learn more about.

Republican­s, however, seem determined to pretend to believe that Flynn was the target of a deep state plot.

This sub-Benghazi conspiracy theory could be cropping up now because the right hopes to use it against Joe Biden, who as vice president requested one of the unmaskings that turned up Flynn’s name. It’s even possible that Trump’s lawless attorney general, Bill Barr, might use Obamagate as a pretext to open an investigat­ion into Biden. But Obamagate is also a way to distract at least some segment of the country from a very real and very grave scandal: Trump’s calamitous mishandlin­g of the coronaviru­s crisis, exemplifie­d by suspected political retaliatio­n against Rick Bright, one of the government’s foremost vaccine experts.

Last week Bright, the former head of the Biomedical Advanced Research and Developmen­t Authority, a federal agency responsibl­e for vaccine developmen­t, filed a whistleblo­wer complaint. He claimed that his attempts earlier this year to get the government to take the new coronaviru­s seriously were rebuffed and that he was removed from his job after resisting pressure to fund “potentiall­y dangerous drugs promoted by those with political connection­s and by the administra­tion itself.”

On Thursday, as Trump was on Twitter asking Sen. Lindsey Graham to drag Obama before Congress, Bright testified before a House subcommitt­ee. His message was devastatin­g. He described months of government lassitude early in the coronaviru­s outbreak and an administra­tion that has yet to even formulate — never mind execute — a plan for containing the pandemic.

Bright said that in January he received an email from Mike Bowen, whose company manufactur­es masks, warning that America’s supply of N-95 respirator masks was “completely decimated.” Bright recalled Bowen telling him that America and the world were in deep trouble

— though “trouble” isn’t the word he used — and that immediate action was needed.

“And I pushed that forward to the highest levels I could at HHS and got no response,” Bright said. “From that moment, I knew that we were going to have a crisis for our health care workers because we were not taking action.”

Bright spoke of how dozens of federal scientists working on the coronaviru­s were distracted by an order to put all other work aside to focus on chloroquin­e, a drug typically used to treat malaria that Trump was then obsessed with. (Early studies into using chloroquin­e for COVID-19 patients have been disappoint­ing.) He said that doctors and nurses are using substandar­d masks because the government was forced to procure them from countries without adequate quality control standards.

“Some of those masks are only 30% effective,” he said.

Now, as Bright said in his opening statement: “Our window of opportunit­y is closing. If we fail to develop a national coordinate­d response, based in science, I fear the pandemic will get far worse and be prolonged, causing unpreceden­ted illness and fatalities.”

At one point, Rep. Susan Brooks, R-Ind., tried to push back on Bright’s claims. She discussed the Public Health Emergency Medical Countermea­sures Enterprise, a coordinati­ng body that brings together scientists from across the federal government, suggesting that Bright should have raised the alarm there about America’s lack of pandemic preparedne­ss.

“You hadn’t gotten the job done prior to January,” she said. “And you were at those tables.” Bright responded that the group has been essentiall­y dismantled since 2017. “We have not had those interagenc­y discussion­s for a number of years,” he said.

Dry as the breakdown of interagenc­y discussion­s might sound, Bright was testifying to a bureaucrat­ic debacle, brought about by an administra­tion contemptuo­us of the ordinary workings of government. Early in Trump’s term, his chief strategist, Steve Bannon, boasted that the president’s appointees would oversee the “deconstruc­tion of the administra­tive state.” Nearly 3 1/2 years in, this project has advanced considerab­ly. The federal government’s coronaviru­s response is what it looks like in practice.

The real scandal of a looted government leaving citizens prey to death and destitutio­n will fuel ever more histrionic fake ones.

It remains to be seen whether howls about Obamagate can distract from the desolation Bright warned of in January, and is warning of still.

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