The Denver Post

Two cheers for liberalism! (or maybe one and a half)

- By David Brooks David Brooks has been a columnist with The New York Times since 2003.

This is a hard, exhausting time. But it’s also a pivot point. An idealistic generation is rising on the scene hungering to fill the spiritual vacuum their parents left them. There is a palpable desire for solidarity, to shake off an excessivel­y individual­istic culture.

In periods of tumult and confusion many people lose faith in systems of change. They feel it’s necessary to take the extraordin­ary action to tear down systems of power. For example, a Senate investigat­ion concluded that from January 1969 to April 1970 — a period of tumult similar to our own — there were 4,330 bombings in the U.S., which killed 43 people

Today, thank God, we don’t have bombings. But we do have a lot of people on the right and the left who have lost faith in the institutio­ns of free speech and open debate — the basic liberal order. They see that free speech stuff as a mask elites wear to preserve their power. They produce what is crudely called the cancel culture, they treat speech as violence, they attempt to ruin politicall­y discordant people because of some tweets.

I defend liberalism because I think our core problem is ignorance and incompeten­ce and not an elite conspiracy. The world right now is astonishin­gly complicate­d, our systems need reform. I don’t think one vantage point can grasp reality or devise solutions. We have to have the open exchange of views that is the essence of liberalism.

I am a liberal in a classical Enlightenm­ent sense, but I can’t give three cheers for liberalism, or maybe even two. I understand why so many, and so many younger people, are rejecting it. Liberalism, as it emerged in the 18th-century Enlightenm­ent, and as it was institutio­nalized in America, was based on several false or distorted ideas.

Liberalism was based on the idea that reason is separate from emotion, that we need to be dispassion­ate to see clearly. This is false. Emotions assign value to things and undergird reason. Because of this error, liberalism has often devolved into a detached, passionles­s rationalis­m.

Liberalism was based on the idea that the choosing individual is the elemental unit of society. It put great emphasis on individual autonomy. This is distorted. We’re also embedded creatures, members of families, and groups, shaped by our histories. Liberalism sometimes devolves into atomizatio­n, an alienated society of lonely buffered selves.

Liberalism assumed that people are primarily motivated by selfintere­st. This, too, is distorted. People are motivated by both self-interest and a yearning desire to lead a morally meaningful life. Liberalism often produces a disenchant­ed materialis­t realm.

By itself, liberalism is so thin it can’t even defend itself. When young people passionate­ly demand racial equity, liberalism’s response is to protect free speech. Young people have a dream. Liberalism offers a neutral process.

Which is why the constituti­on of liberalism has to be supplement­ed with the morality of personalis­m. One of the reasons that America is so angry right now is that there is so much dehumaniza­tion. Racism reduces a human being to a skin color. The first casualty in a culture, political or generation­al war is the willingnes­s to see the full humanity of the other. In this moment, some people seem eager even to dehumanize themselves by reducing themselves to a simple label and making politics their one identity.

If liberalism left little space for group identity, the current conversati­on makes group identity everything and leaves no space for individual conscience. You get all these absurd generaliza­tions.

Personalis­m is the belief that at the heart of any successful relationsh­ip, any successful organizati­on and any just society, there is an earnest and ongoing effort to see the full depth and complexity of each human person.

Personalis­m judges each social arrangemen­t by how well it fosters the kind of relationsh­ips that enhance the full complexity and depth of each soul. This awful year will be somewhat redeemed if we can end it with a sense of this kind of common morality, and if we can begin the hard work of reforming our institutio­ns to be in line with it.

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