“Abortion tourism” antics are bad for the military

If Tommy Tuberville, aka “Coach,” wants to prevent members of the U. S. military from having abortions in Colorado, he’ll have to become a constituent and vote here against our safe- haven abortion policies. Until then, the senator from Alabama will just have to live with the fact that he can’t control the reproductive choices of women in the U. S. military.

But Tuberville is prepared to die on this hill. Citing his disgust at the Department of Defense’s “abortion tourism,” Tuberville has been refusing for months to allow the U. S. Senate to process more than 200 promotions of Pentagon leaders both civilian and enlisted.

Alabama should be barred from future consideration of base expansions by the Department of Defense for this stunt. If members of the U. S. military aren’t trusted by a state’s leaders to make their own family planning and health care decisions, then the federal government should not trust those states with hosting our military bases, units, commands, or academies. Tuberville’s outlandish position is making a great case for Space Command not to go to Huntsville, and fueling rumors that President Joe Biden may decide to re- evaluate Huntsville based on more than just the small town’s cost of living and ties to NASA.

U. S. Sen. Michael Bennet called Tuberville’s hold on promotions unprecedented during a speech on the floor of the U. S. Senate, noting that never before have such ordinary military promotions been held hostage for political reasons. Bennet lambasted Tuberville for delaying important military readiness during a time of open war in Europe and growing hostilities with China.

Tuberville’s fight with the Department of Defense began after the Supreme Court stripped pregnant women of their constitutional protections in the Dobbs decision. The Pentagon announced that existing military policy can allow women to take paid leave to travel for an abortion. The policy covers travel costs and up to 21 days of administrative absence for DOD employees in need of an abortion or other reproductive care. The policy also covers employees who want to accompany a spouse or dependent for abortion or reproductive care. The Department of Defense’s health

abortions.

In some instances, proposals to curb treatment of transgender youth have provoked dramatic encounters.

Before Nebraska voted to bar transgender health care for youths, a Republican state senator precipitated an angry response by complaining the extended debate kept her from her grandson’s preschool graduation.

“I am not asking you to sit here through late nights to vote on these bills that we’re dragging out,” said state Sen. Megan Hunt, parent of a 12- year- old transgender son. “I’m asking you to love your family more than you hate mine.”

In Texas, two were arrested as hundreds demonstrated against the legislation barring puberty blockers and hormone treatments for transgender youth.

The Texas bill awaiting Abbott’s signature drew substantial medical opposition during hearings earlier this year. It would require the state to revoke the medical licenses of doctors who provide treatments like puberty blockers, hormone therapy or surgery to minors in order “to transition a child’s biological sex.”

It would ban taxpayer money from individuals and entities, including public colleges and universities, that provide such care to minors.

Its main sponsor, Republican Tom Oliverson, an anesthesiologist, said parents had been “manipulated” into affirming their transgender children and should seek mental health care, other than surgery.

Other pending bills would restrict transgender men and women from collegiate athletics and bar minors from attending sexually explicit performances like drag shows.

Such moves reflect the prevailing politics of gay and transgender issues, like opposition to gay marriage a generation ago. But the latter has changed dramatically over the years.

Public opinion surveys display some mixed trends. A recent Pew Research Center survey showed

64% favor laws protecting transgender people from discrimination with only 10% opposed. The remainder had no view.

But a Washington PostKFF poll found 68% of adults oppose access to pubertyblocking medication for transgender children 10- 14 and 58% oppose access to hormonal treatments for those 15- 17. Some 57% agreed a child’s gender is assigned at birth while 43% said it could later differ, a significant minority.

But over 60% supported gender- affirming counseling or therapy for transgender minors.

For now, Republicans politicians in states like Texas can take comfort from the fact that the public favors the restrictions they are passing. But that hardly makes them right — and there is no guarantee it won’t change.