The Guardian (USA)

The birth of a militia: how an armed group polices Black Lives Matter protests

- Nicolle Okoren in Provo

The Utah Citizens’ Alarm is only a month old, and yet it already boasts 15,000plus members. The citizen militia’s recruits wear military fatigues and carry assault rifles. Their short-term goal, they say, is to act as a physical presence of intimidati­on to deter protesters from becoming violent and destroying the state of Utah. Their long-term goal: to arm and prepare the state of Utah against undergroun­d movements they believewil­l incite civil war.

The group was conceived in reaction to a Black Lives Matter protest against police brutality organized by different groups in Provo, Utah, on 29 June. That day, a white protester pulled out a gun and shot another white man, who was not protesting butdriving his vehicle into the protest route. Two shots were fired, and one hit the driver in the arm. Protesters claim the shooting was in self-defence because the driver was hitting marchers; the police found this claim to be unsubstant­iated.

When Casey Robertson, 47, watched a video of the incident, he felt outraged that this could happen in his “little town of Provo”. He posted on his Facebook page and a local yard sale page that “protesters descended on downtown Provo and terrorized citizens and SHOTS WERE FIRED.” He explained that Insurgence, one of the organizing group, was planning another protest for the next night and he rallied “concerned citizens” to come together, armed and ready to do their part in protecting downtown businesses.

This was a call to arms. Utah Citizens’ Alarm was born.

“I was like, ‘We need to stand together as citizens and go down there and show these people that we’re not going to allow violence, and that we are not going to allow these anarchist violent groups to tear down Provo,” Robertson told the Guardian. “It’s not going to happen without a fight.’”

Utah Citizens’ Alarm has since organized regular military-style trainings for its members. Robertson says he has been tipped off “by secret sources within the government and law enforcemen­t” that undergroun­d organizati­ons like antifa are being funded by Isis, and are using groups like BLM to wreak havoc in the community to destroy American cities and ideals.

Even if none of these theories stand up to scrutiny, he is dead set on not letting it happen.

Robertson was born and raised in Provo. His dad was a Provo police officer and his mother a police dispatcher. He has voted both sides of the political aisle – he voted for Clinton and Obama, although he now considers himself a conservati­ve. To him, this is not about politics, but good and evil, and he is ready to die for this cause.

“My biggest fear, probably, is my children being brought up and having to grow up in a country that has completely lost its freedom, and that is under attack, and that is turning into this cesspool of violence and chaos,” he said. “Our enemy is now within, and that’s really scary to me.”

This already has a chilling effect on protests: organizers have begun cancelling protests out of fear of Utah Citizens’ Alarm coming and escalating the already heated emotions. So far, militia members remain unchalleng­ed, using their second amendment rights to openly bear arms in public throughout the state.

‘We are here to protect the community’

That same Black Lives Matter protest that inspired Robertson’s fear was originally planned as a pro-police event in downtown Provo. John Sullivan, 26, the founder of Insurgence USA, a group for racial justice and police reform, organized a counter-protest alongside several other organizers. Protesters were to meet at the Provo police station at 6.30pm that night.

Sullivan, one of the few black men organizing­for racial justice in Utah, is not from Provo but Sandy, a suburb of Salt Lake City. Provo is a hyper-religious Latter-day Saint college town located 45 miles south of Salt Lake City. The city is made up of about 110,000 people, 88% white, 16.6% Hispanic, and less than 1% black. Local quirks include a strong second amendment culture, strong self-reliant groups, end of world preppers, a booming music scene and a charming Center Street that has at least three ice cream parlors and only recently got its first coffee shop, as the predominan­t demography does not drink coffee for religious purposes.

The Black Lives Matter protesters started to march. They yelled “Whose streets? Our streets!” at drivers and lingered in front of cars, some of which started plowing through the crowd, claiming protesters had surrounded them and would not let them leave. (Videos show this was not the case.)

Brian DeLong, a philosophy student at Utah Valley University, was grabbing a coffee when he saw protesters pass by. He joined in the march. At the intersecti­on of University Avenue and Center Street, he was hit by a silver Excursion going southbound and immediatel­y heard two gunshots, one after the other. DeLong bounced off the car and realized about five other people had also been hit. The driver franticall­y drove off.

Nine minutes later, an ambulance appeared on the scene. The police did not come, and only appeared in full riot gear at 9.40pm when protesters made it back to the front of the police station.

Drivers driving into protesters resulting in people shooting guns is becoming more frequent. On July 25, an Austin motorist drove into a crowd and fatally shot a protester. On the same night, another driver drove into protesters in Aurora, Colorado – except it was a protester who took out his gun and ended up shooting two fellow protesters.

After the Provo protest, a policeman told Josianne Petit, 34, a criminal defense paralegal and founder of Mama & Papa Panthers, an organizati­on dedicated to helping parents of all races in raising black children, that the police were inside watching the whole protest on Facebook Live. She said: “I felt fundamenta­lly betrayed. I had worked with Provo PD extensivel­y prior to that protest and I thought I had a good working relationsh­ip with them, but to hear the complete disregard they had for the lives of protesters was alarming to me, but also devastatin­g.”

Sullivan, the organizer, was not prepared for what transpired, nor did he know that anyone had a gun on his side of the protest. He created another Facebook event to hold a protest two days later in response.

On that day, the two sides stood facing each other. The protesters carried posters; the Utah Citizens’ Alarm carried assault rifles. The protesters wore black; the paramiliti­a wore American flags. Both groups wore masks. On the west side, it was to protect themselves from the coronaviru­s. On the east side, masks were a protection from unwanted media attention.

One young man carrying an assault rifle and two magazines of ammunition, with his face completely covered, pointed at the protesters and said: “What they have done is straight out of the communist manifesto … they say that your political beliefs are now your identity and, if somebody’s against your identity, they can justify whatever they do against you because they’re now repressing you for not agreeing with you.”

He added: “Not everybody over there but the more extremists will agree with that. Black Lives Matter, as an organizati­on, receives money from people who want to see violence happen.”

Another young man walked over and said: “They hate America. They say they want to change America, that’s unAmerican.”

The BLM protesters were authorized to march in the street. Utah Citizens’ Alarm was permitted to march on the sidewalks, guarding the storefront­s from the protesters. About 250 policemen were brought in, as well as at least four snipers who stood on the roof of the Nu Skin building, a ten-storey building next to the Mormon temple.

One police officer from Springvill­e, a town just south of Provo, said he trusted 99.9% of the men and women with the guns, and said: “Those men and women would be the first people to take a bullet for any of the protesters there.”

At the end of the march, Utah Citizens’ Alarm members came to the megaphone and repeated the Springvill­e police officer’s line: “We are here to protect the community. We would be the first to take a bullet for each and every one of you.”

Josey Gardner, 25, a protester and EMT studying English at BYU, asked: “Whose bullets are they protecting us from? They are the only ones with guns.”

A chilling effect on free speech

Utah Citizens’ Alarm is now organized into a pseudo-militia under the guidance of ex-military and ex-law enforcemen­t on their newly formed board of advisers. They want Utah to be fully prepared for the “civil war” instigated by undergroun­d, militant forces.

The group trains tirelessly. When on site, members are advised to move in groups of three and no less, because they have been told by informants on the inside that antifa attacks single out the strongest members in vulnerable situations. They have escape plans at every site, and promote a firm obedience to the local police, including when asked by them not to come to a protest.

(Provo police chief Rich Ferguson made a statement that the Provo police have no relationsh­ip with the Utah Citizens’ Alarm, which Sergeant Nisha King, head of the Provo police department’s public informatio­n team, verified. )

 ??  ?? Armed counter-protesters left their side to march along with Black Lives Matter protesters in Provo, Utah, on 1 July. Photograph: Steven Waggoner
Armed counter-protesters left their side to march along with Black Lives Matter protesters in Provo, Utah, on 1 July. Photograph: Steven Waggoner
 ??  ?? Armed counter-protesters in Hawaiian shirts, suggestive of an affiliatio­n with the boogaloo movement (a loosely organized far-right anti-government group) in Provo. Photograph: Steven Waggoner
Armed counter-protesters in Hawaiian shirts, suggestive of an affiliatio­n with the boogaloo movement (a loosely organized far-right anti-government group) in Provo. Photograph: Steven Waggoner

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