The Guardian (USA)

Ordered online, assembled at home: the deadly toll of California’s ‘ghost guns’

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When Brian Muhammad, a program manager at a gun violence prevention group in California, asked a 16-year-old boy in 2018 how young people were getting guns, he assumed the answer would be Nevada, the neighborin­g state with looser gun laws.

“Who would waste time going to Nevada when you can just get them in the mail and put it together?” the Stockton teen nonchalant­ly replied.

Three years later, homemade weapons known as “ghost guns” have risen to the top of the Biden administra­tion’s policy agenda. When the president announced executive actions targeting gun violence after the mass shootings in Georgia, California and Colorado, they included steps to regulate the sale of the devices – the first time the federal government took up such efforts.

Warnings about do-it-yourself guns have steadily grown in recent years, spurred by ominous news stories describing the weapons’ use in a slew of mass shootings, domestic terrorism cases and gun traffickin­g busts. In California alone, homemade guns were used in a 2013 mass shooting in Santa Monica, a 2014 bank robbery in Stockton and a shooting spree in rural Tehama county that killed six in 2017. In 2019, a 16 year old killed two students and injured three others before killing himself with a ghost gun at a school in

Santa Clarita. The next year, as protests over police violence filled city streets, Steven Carrillo used a homemade machine gun to shoot two security guards at a federal building in Oakland and a sheriff’s deputy in an ambush in Santa Cruz.

But as the role of ghost guns in high profile criminal cases has grown, community violence reduction workers warn of the less visible toll ghost guns are taking : ghost guns, they say, have become a hot commodity in many vulnerable communitie­s, a trend that has only intensifie­d during the pandemic.

The ease with which these guns can be ordered and constructe­d, their low cost and the difficulti­es in tracing them have made them readily available in many California cities, the organizers say. Their rapid spread, combined with Covid-19 limitation­s to the in-person contact so many violence interrupte­rs rely on, have created a dangerous combinatio­n that is contributi­ng to the surge in gun deaths that began last year.

“We have people buying guns on the street at a faster pace. We can’t keep up with the number of guns especially when they may be more accessible than social services for some,” said Muhammad, of the Advance Peace program, a gun violence prevention organizati­on, in Stockton.

‘If a person wants a gun, they can get it’

Antoine Towers, the chair of Oakland’s Violence Prevention Coalition, said he first heard about ghost guns at the beginning of the pandemic.

First from friends who bought a ghost gun and assembled it, next up were some family members, then his co-workers. Gun ownership in Black communitie­s in California rose significan­tly during the pandemic, mass protests and election chaos of 2020, and Towers’ network was opting for ghost guns rather than buying full-priced guns from stores that were inundated with sales.

Soon, Towers said, ghost guns started showing up at his work. “We already had a problem with firearms, but it became really ridiculous,” Towers said. “[Ghost guns] are so easy to get right now that the only solution I see is figuring out a way to make sure people who have them aren’t using them. It’s heartbreak­ing.”

Once a niche hobby among gun enthusiast­s, do-it-yourself gun kits have been around since the 1990s, but they’ve increasing­ly become a feature on the nightly news since the early 2010s.

The kits are substantia­lly less expensive than a traditiona­l gun bought from a federally licensed store. For example: a pistol from Bass Pro Shop, a US-based outdoor sporting goods conglomera­te, can range in price from $470 to more than $900 while a homemade pistol kit from Polymer80, a popular online gun retailer, costs less than $180 and can be assembled with common tools like screwdrive­rs and a few drill bits.

The guns aren’t subject to traditiona­l firearm sale mandates, including background checks and serial numbers, because of a legal loophole. Since they are shipped in several pieces, they fall out of the bounds of what the US Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms (ATF) classifies as a legal firearm.

“The argument is that they can’t fire in the condition they’re sold in. Because they require some assembly, they’re not firearms,” said Eric Tirschwell, the managing director of litigation for Everytown for Gun Safety, a national gun violence prevention advocacy group.

Previously, police say, they mostly found ghost guns during large gun busts and undergroun­d traffickin­g operations. But in the past two years, they are more frequently turning up in the backs of cars or the hands of individual­s. Increasing­ly popular among

gun owners, the guns have also become an interestin­g business propositio­n for trafficker­s.

Tina Padilla, a peacekeepe­r with Breaking Through Barriers to Success (BTBS), a Los Angeles-based violence prevention nonprofit, said she first heard about ghost guns on the news a few years ago, especially after mass shootings. Then she heard some young people trickle into the nonprofit’s office discussing their purchases and what kits they were eyeing in passing conversati­on.

“I learned the logistics of getting a ghost gun from working in the community and found out that they can be purchased from different sites, with different credit cards to different addresses and the government can’t trace who’s buying these guns and where they’re going,” Padilla said.

“Now, instead of people having to purchase weapons for $600 to $700, they can buy them on the computer, put them together and use them on the street,” said Padilla.

Police in Stockton first became familiar with ghost guns in 2014, when a homemade AK-47 was recovered after a deadly bank robbery that turned into a hostage situation and hour-long car chase. In 2019, the department recovered 42 ghost guns. And in 2020, it seized 175, nearly four times as many.

The ATF has been recovering more ghost guns in the US each year. In 2019, they seized more than 7,100 and in 2020 that number grew to 8,712, according to department data. Police department­s in other California cities have reported similar rises. San Francisco

police started tracking ghost guns in 2016, and found six that year. In 2019, they recovered 77 and, in 2020, the number leaped to 164. Los Angeles county police found 813 ghost guns in 2020. In Oakland, 16% of all guns seized by police in 2020 were ghost guns. So far in 2021, 22% are ghost guns.

Violence interventi­on workers say the rise in ghost guns has played some role in the rise in gun deaths recorded in cities all across America.

“There’s a whole industry of people who are making guns and in this digital age the difficulty factor isn’t there, so if a person wants a gun they can get it,” said Muhammad, the Advanced Peace director in Stockton.

Like hundreds of other cities, homicides in Stockton have ticked up in past months. In 2020, 55 people were murdered in the city, the highest number in three years. Muhammad believes that ghost guns have played a role, especially among Stockton’s teens.

“We’ve seen a younger group of people engaging in gunplay, he said. “There’s no school right now, and a 14, 15 year old isn’t gonna just sit at home if their parents are out working.” The loss of in-person schooling and extracurri­culars, have left “ample time to get in disagreeme­nt”, he said.

“Whatever people can do to make money, they will. And they know there’s a high demand, with people scared at the beginning of the pandemic and buying guns,” said Rudy Corpuz Jr, the executive director of United Playaz, a San Francisco-based violence prevention and youth developmen­t organizati­on.

“It’s scary because a lot of the ghost guns are in hands that are not responsibl­e. And when you have kids all over in parks and places where violence happens, there’s potential that one of these can be used, and then one of these kids doesn’t get a chance to grow up.”

Padilla, the Los Angeles-based violence interrupte­r, said the casualness with which she’s heard some young people talk about getting a kit sent to their home worried her. She said language barriers and lack of informatio­n among parents can make it difficult for them to regulate the packages that are being sent to their homes.

“We need to do more education campaigns because some of these parents may get a package they may not think too much about. We need to let them know that they need to keep an eye out because these guns can cause a lot of harm,” she said.

Ghost gun regulation­s

Following three mass shootings this spring, including a downtown San Diego shooting where a ghost gun was used, Biden directed the Department of Justice to develop new regulation­s around ghost guns. On 7 May, the ATF, which is part of the DOJ, proposed new rules that would close the loophole that allows ghost guns to be sold with little oversight. Under the new measures, the primary parts of a gun kit would be considered firearms, and therefore would need a serial number. Buyers would have to pass a background check.

The measures would mark the first effort to regulate ghost guns on the federal level.

In California, a 2018 state law required at-home kit builders to apply for a unique serial number, but the requiremen­t only applied to ghost gun builders, and not to sellers, leaving it legal to sell kits without a serial number.

San Francisco is set to weigh a proposal that would go further, and ban the sale of ghost guns as well. If the ordinance passed, it would make the city the first in California to do so.

Meanwhile, several local district attorneys have sued ghost gun manufactur­ers and a number of states and cities have had lawsuits against the ATF for their original refusal to regulate ghost gun kits like traditiona­l firearms. The Los Angeles city attorney joined Everytown for Gun Safety in a lawsuit against Polymer80, a popular gun kit seller that is facing a number of other lawsuits in California and Washington DC over their advertisem­ent practices. The suit alleges that the dealer acted negligentl­y and failed “to avoid exposing others to reasonably foreseeabl­e risks of injury”, according to the complaint filed in December.

Everytown is also suing 1911builde­rs.com, the gun kit maker and dealer who sold the kit that was used in the Saugus school shooting, on behalf of one of the victims.

In November 2019, Mia Tretta was injured in a mass shooting at Saugus high school in Santa Clarita. A 16-yearold student at the school had brought a homemade .45 caliber semi-automatic pistol which he used to shoot five students – two fatally – before turning the ghost gun on himself. The entire incident lasted less than 30 seconds.

Since the tragedy, in which she lost her close friend Dominic Blackwell, Tretta’s been a vocal gun violence prevention advocate with Students Demand Action, a youth-led organizati­on that lobbies for strengthen­ed gun laws.

“In my situation, we still don’t know who bought the gun. We know who used it, but we can’t trace it back,” Tretta said. “I want people to use my story to show what happens when anyone can get a gun.”

‘It won’t stop the guns’

Community workers such as Corpuz and Muhammad welcome Biden’s efforts, and agree that the spread of ghost guns needs to be stifled.

But they also worry that federal action will beget local police crackdowns, a backlash that would lead to more harm among those who are already most at-risk of being shot. Rather than increased patrols and traffic stops, the interventi­onists say, communitie­s need traditiona­l violence interventi­on practices that provide social support and healing services.

“The devil’s in the details,” said Corpuz of United Playaz. “You can think a new policy is about the ghost guns but then it leads to harassment. We all want ghost guns off of the street but we have to look to see what the fine print is before we support the rules because they can be harsh on Black and brown communitie­s.”

Muhammad of Advanced Peace likened the potential danger of increased policing and harsher sentences for having a ghost gun to the crack-cocaine laws of the late 20th century.

“Once the laws happen they affect the bottom rung,” Muhammad said. “Police forces all over the country get access to federal dollars for any campaign, but that won’t stop the shooting; it won’t stop the guns from getting into the hands of young people.”

 ??  ?? Brian Muhammad, center, is the program manager for Advance Peace, a gun violence prevention group in Stockton, California. Photograph: Jason Henry/The Guardian
Brian Muhammad, center, is the program manager for Advance Peace, a gun violence prevention group in Stockton, California. Photograph: Jason Henry/The Guardian
 ?? Illustrati­on: Mark Harris/The Guardian ??
Illustrati­on: Mark Harris/The Guardian

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