The Guardian (USA)

Liz Truss’s elevation and downfall mirrors the American right

- Andrew Gawthorpe

After serving for a mere 45 days, Liz Truss has become the shortest serving prime minister in British history. George Canning, the previous holder of this record, was forced from office because he died of tuberculos­is. Truss, by contrast, is entirely the author of her own demise. But even though her short premiershi­p has no doubt left her own political talents utterly discredite­d, it would be a mistake to stop apportioni­ng blame there. In fact, Truss’s elevation and downfall show how the British Conservati­ve party has lost touch with reality over the past decade in ways which mirror the descent of the American right.

Truss was forced from office after unveiling a budget that was profoundly out of touch with the realities of modern Britain. A diehard libertaria­n, she announced steep tax cuts for the rich, including removing an immensely popular cap on bankers’ annual bonuses. Much like the Trump tax cuts of 2017, these moves were supposed to be paid for by generating trickledow­n economic growth – and when that failed to happen, as it inevitably does, public service and welfare cuts would follow. This kamikaze libertaria­nism was combined with sheer nastiness towards the poor, such as when the chair of the Conservati­ve party told voters worried about rising energy bills to either go and get a better-paid job or “freeze”.

So dire were Truss’s plans that even the markets rejected them, causing a financial crisis and ultimately her unceremoni­ous ejection from office.

But just getting rid of Truss is not going to solve the Conservati­ve party’s problems. Instead, it must face up to ideologica­l blinders and delusions of grandeur which led it to put Britain in this situation to begin with.

The first entry on the charge sheet is the party’s long-running flirtation with an extreme variant of libertaria­n economics. Far from being some bizarre outlier, Truss was comfortabl­y elected in a party leadership race this summer despite making no secret of her plans. She was also enthusiast­ically embraced by rightwing talking heads and thinktanks who have long advocated for precisely the measures in Truss’s budget. Truss was not on a lone ideologica­l bender but was seeking to implement the orthodoxy of a key set of conservati­ve elites – precisely the reason they promoted her into a job she was manifestly unfit for in the first place.

But a much larger issue is the way that Brexit transforme­d British political discourse, introducin­g a fetish for anti-intellectu­alism and bold, ill-thoughtthr­ough action which is reminiscen­t of how Trump transforme­d Republican politics in the United States. The party has become addicted to elevating cranks who promise an impossible return to Britain’s former heyday and to sneering at the policy and economics experts who point out the reasons why this is impossible. For a party that has long cast its critics as unpatrioti­c and over-educated, it was a small step from the fairytale of Brexit to the fairytale of Truss’s economic program.

Another way in which the party is culpable is its refusal to face up to the contradict­ions of Brexit, which was always animated by two very different impulses. The first, most important to the average Brexit voter, was to reduce immigratio­n and embrace the culture wars which went along with that goal. The second, embraced mostly by Tory party elites, was to turn Britain into a libertaria­n economic paradise, which by contrast would require liberal immigratio­n policies to replace the workers shut out by Brexit.

Much like their counterpar­ts in the modern Republican party, Tory elites failed to realize how successful their cynical turn against immigratio­n and towards the culture wars would be. What they originally saw as an electoral strategy to get them into office and allow them to move onto their libertaria­n agenda eventually became the defining characteri­stic of their whole movement. In America, this process produced Donald Trump. In the UK, it produced Boris Johnson, who pledged to deport unauthoriz­ed immigrants – even those fleeing Ukraine – to Rwanda. Truss seems to have entirely failed to notice this change in conservati­ve politics and tried simply to ignore it, setting up a collision with a large chunk of her own party.

So completely did Truss’s premiershi­p embody the policies and tendencies of a certain set of Conservati­ve party elites that its implosion seems to herald the final destructio­n of their project. This might seem like something to celebrate, but it will in fact probably lead to the further Trumpifica­tion of her party. Facing the direct repudiatio­n of their libertaria­n program and unable due to their own ideologica­l blinders to consider realigning with the EU, Conservati­ves are likely to see only one way forward: rushing into the culture wars and trying to smuggle whatever parts of their plutocrati­c agenda they can along with them.

For America and the rest of the world, this means a Britain that will continue to become more insular, smaller in its ambitions, and weaker in its capabiliti­es. Conservati­ve elites will continue to find many people to blame for this rather than looking in the mirror. But if they really want to repair the damage to their house, they have to begin by looking at the rotting foundation­s that they themselves laid.

Andrew Gawthorpe is a historian of the United States and host of the podcast America Explained

 ?? Photograph: Tayfun Salcı/Zuma Press Wire/Rex/ Shuttersto­ck ?? ‘Just getting rid of Truss is not going to solve the Conservati­ve party’s problems.’
Photograph: Tayfun Salcı/Zuma Press Wire/Rex/ Shuttersto­ck ‘Just getting rid of Truss is not going to solve the Conservati­ve party’s problems.’

Newspapers in English

Newspapers from United States