The Guardian (USA)

The US asylum rule replacing Title 42 is strict – here’s what we know

- Alexandra Villarreal in Austin

Last week, the Biden administra­tion toughened its stance against migration at the US-Mexico border through a new federal regulation that severely restricts access to asylum. This “Circumvent­ion of Lawful Pathways” rule effectivel­y replaces the Title 42 public health order, which Donald Trump introduced ostensibly to stem Covid-19 but has functioned increasing­ly as an immigratio­n enforcemen­t tool, allowing border officials to quickly expel migrants without the chance to request asylum in the US. Title 42 ended on 11 May.

The new regulation means people fleeing their home countries because of unlivable violence and instabilit­y are rendered ineligible for asylum unless they can meet one of a handful of exceptions.

As a result, the US will probably return many more vulnerable people to dangerous situations. The rule is being challenged in federal court by advocacy groups.

What does the rule do?

Generally, the Circumvent­ion of Lawful Pathways rule means those traveling through a third country before reaching Mexico and the USMexico border will be presumed ineligible for asylum, with limited exceptions. In practice, most nationalit­ies seeking American protection will be disqualifi­ed from asylum if they reach the southern border by land or water and can’t overcome a “presumptio­n of asylum ineligibil­ity”.

Who will be ineligible for asylum?

Those requesting asylum in the US now will generally be presumed ineligible unless they or their accompanyi­ng family member can show they:

already have permission to enter through a parole process approved by the Department of Homeland Security (DHS).

use a DHS scheduling system like CBP One – a recently developed government phone app – to secure a coveted appointmen­t to present themselves at an official border port of entry. Or show up at a port of entry and meet a very high bar for why they couldn’t use the scheduling system.

have sought protection in another country en route to the US and been denied it.

Mexicans typically don’t transit through another country before reaching the border, so they are generally exempt from the new rule’s presumptio­n of asylum ineligibil­ity, though historical­ly Mexicans in US immigratio­n court have especially low rates of being granted asylum. Children who migrate unaccompan­ied by a parent or legal guardian may seek asylum, unaffected by the regulation.

For others, even if they pass initial screenings for protection, they still face the presumptio­n of ineligibil­ity during their full immigratio­n court proceeding­s. There’s the opportunit­y for rebuttal, but the chance of success is probably slim.

Why can’t all asylum seekers just comply with the stated exceptions?

In practice, the exceptions are weighted against the world’s most atrisk people. They are:

Exception one: permission to enter. The Biden administra­tion is offering specific parole processes, allowing up to 30,000 people total from Venezuela, Nicaragua, Haiti and Cuba to enter each month.

But those people must obtain a passport, fly to the US and find a USbased sponsor who will support them financiall­y.

The government also recently announced more or improved family reunificat­ion parole processes for Colombians, Salvadoria­ns, Guatemalan­s, Hondurans, Cubans and Haitians who already have approved, family-based petitions for green cards. These are invitation-only and apply to relatively few migrants.

Exception two: CBP One appointmen­ts.The CBP One app offers a very limited number of daily appointmen­ts to begin the asylum process. Users – who need a smartphone – have reported glitches and deficienci­es, causing frustratio­n for those waiting on the Mexican side of the border.

US Customs and Border Protection (CBP) has made some changes but the roughly 1,000 available daily appointmen­ts still can’t meet demand.

Exception three: unsuccessf­ully sought protection elsewhere.Joe Biden

has referred to “the greatest migration in human history” across the western hemisphere, driven by political instabilit­y or dictatorsh­ip, economic calamity, natural disaster and violence. Yet many of the countries that asylum seekers pass through overland on their way to the US are potentiall­y dangerous places from which local residents are already simultaneo­usly fleeing, and where poor travelers are targets for criminals. Conditions in Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador have sent many thousands to the US.

And asylum systems in places such as Mexico, Costa Rica and Colombia are already under significan­t strain, which this federal regulation could exacerbate.

Why can’t people just wait in Mexico for an asylum appointmen­t in the US?

When a previous Trump-era policy – the Migrant Protection Protocols, also known as “Remain in Mexico” – stranded people at the border, there were more than 1,300 reports of rape, kidnapping and other attacks. Since Biden took office, there have been approximat­ely 13,500 reports of migrants and asylum seekers facing similar violence after being blocked in Mexico or expelled there under Title 42.

Meanwhile, more than seven in 10 women in Mexico have experience­d gender-based violence amid a decadeslon­g

femicide crisis.

What about other forms of protection?

Asylum seekers may still qualify for other, lesser, protection­s, for example for victims of torture. But, especially with the stresses endured on the way to and at the border, and during expedited processing, many will struggle to make their case.

What are the other hardline rules at play?

The Biden administra­tion has also expanded the use of expedited removal, in which people are rapidly deported and given a five-year bar to re-entry; threatened potential criminal prosecutio­n for those attempting to reenter the US after being removed; expedited initial asylum screenings – called credible fear interviews – in border facilities, conducted by telephone soon after apprehensi­on and with limited access to an attorney, also only by telephone; increased removal flights; and made an agreement in which Mexico accepts certain deported nonMexican­s. Together they make it far more difficult for asylum seekers with legitimate claims to access protection in the US.

What about US and internatio­nal law?

Domestic law says that any noncitizen arriving in the US or already there – regardless of immigratio­n status or how they entered – has a right to seek asylum. And the US is bound to internatio­nal treaties protecting the rights of those fleeing specific kinds of threats. Accordingl­y, under federal law the authoritie­s cannot return people to places where they face persecutio­n or torture.

The Circumvent­ion of Lawful Pathways rule inherently challenges these principles by potentiall­y sending asylum seekers with legitimate claims back to danger. Attorneys for the union representi­ng 14,000 US Citizenshi­p and Immigratio­n Services employees, including asylum officers, had urged Biden to rescind it, so that officers do not become “complicit in violations of US and internatio­nal law”.

The United Nations High Commission­er for Refugees (UNHCR) has also protested.

 ?? Photograph: Andrew Caballero-Reynolds/AFP/Getty Images ?? A border patrol agent takes migrants into custody near the US-Mexico border. New regulation will severely restrict asylum claims.
Photograph: Andrew Caballero-Reynolds/AFP/Getty Images A border patrol agent takes migrants into custody near the US-Mexico border. New regulation will severely restrict asylum claims.

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