The Guardian (USA)

The Hidden Roots of White Supremacy review: necessary chronicle of US racist history

- Lloyd Green

Robert P Jones, founder and president of the Public Religion Research Institute (PRRI), holds a divinity degree from Southweste­rn Baptist Seminary and a doctorate in religion from Emory University. He is a son of the south, pained by the nexus between Christiani­ty and slavery. In White Too Long, published in 2020, he wrote of church stained-glass windows that paid homage to Confederat­e generals, Robert E Lee and Stonewall Jackson. The deadly shooting at a Dollar General in Florida last week was just one more reminder that the past is always with us.

In his new book, Jones draws a straight line between religion and European migration to North America and slavery and the subjugatio­n of Indigenous people. He identifies and repeatedly criticizes the “doctrine of discovery”, as prime culprit and enabler.

Enunciated in 15th-century papal decrees, adopted in 1823 as part of US common law through the supreme court case Johnson v M’Intosh, the discovery doctrine offered theologica­l and legal justificat­ion for conquest and its aftermath. Jones extensivel­y quotes Robert Miller, a law professor at Arizona State University and a citizen of the Eastern Shawnee Tribe.

“In essence, the doctrine provided that newly arrived Europeans immediatel­y and automatica­lly acquired legally recognized property rights over the inhabitant­s without knowledge or consent of the indigenous peoples,” Miller wrote, in 2012.

Jones adds: “Despite its near-total absence from white educationa­l curricula … Native American scholars have been highlighti­ng the impact of the doctrine of discovery for at least half a century.”

He meticulous­ly details events that further scar US history. It is a first-rate chronicle of horror. Jones lays out the lynchings of three Black circus workers in Minnesota, in 1920, and of Emmett Till in Mississipp­i in 1955. He recounts the Tulsa race massacre of 1921, the destructio­n of “Black Wall Street” and the deaths of 300 African Americans.

He also delves in detail into the US government-sanctioned execution of 38 Dakota males in Mankato, Minnesota, in December 1862. It remains the single largest event of its kind in US history. Abraham Lincoln played a central role.

On the page, Jones lays out his pathway to a “shared future”. He advocates “reparation­s” for the descendant­s of enslaved Black people and argues for “restitutio­n” to Native Americans.

“This is a tall order,” he acknowledg­es. But he remains undeterred, writing: “We cannot shrink before the difficulty of the task … the creativity of our solutions is directly proportion­al to, and a measure of, the strength of our conviction­s.”

With a significan­t exception – support from three-quarters of African Americans – the public holds a negative view of reparation­s, according to a 2021 survey. Nearly 70% are opposed, including 80% of whites, 65% of Asians, 58% of Hispanics and 49% of Democrats and Democratic-leaners. That’s a lot of hearts and minds to persuade.

This fall, the Democratic-dominated California legislatur­e will consider a reparation­s plan. After the US supreme court rejection of race-based affirmativ­e action, and a similar rejection by California­ns in 2020, the legislatur­e may want to tread lightly.

Jones can be swept away by his conviction­s. In 2016, in The End of White Christian America, he wrote an “obituary” and recited a “benedictio­n” for what he perceived as the passing of white Protestant­ism. To say the least, he jumped the gun.

Donald Trump’s election showed that primacy lost is not the same as extinction. Even in its lessened state

and amid the rise of religious “nones”, Christiani­ty remains a force in American life. As mainstream Protestant­ism slides and younger evangelica­ls leave the fold, the landscape of Sunday morning is being reshaped.

“American megachurch­es are thriving by poaching flocks,” an Economist headline blared. “Denominati­ons are out. Brand identity and good vibes are in.” There is plenty to like about community and ice cream. Doctrinal orthodoxie­s have not fared well in the marketplac­e of US religion.

Jones has refused to fully quit “defund the police”, the protest slogan that flourished after the murder of George Floyd by a Minneapoli­s officer in May 2020 but which Republican­s predictabl­y seized on to depict Democrats as soft on crime. Jones has also tweaked James Carville, the veteran Democratic strategist, for emphasizin­g class over race.

“We can’t continue to paper over racial injustice with economic policy,” Jones wrote in 2021, in the aftermath of the Republican Glenn Youngkin’s upset win in the Virginia governor’s race. Riffing off Carville’s famous 1992 campaign message for Bill Clinton, about the economy, Jones delivered his own: “‘It’s the culture, stupid’ – or less euphemisti­cally, ‘It’s the white supremacy, stupid’ – must be the new mantra of political analysts today.”

That’s a lousy bumper-sticker. Besides that, the data reflects that inflation, jobs, the economy and healthcare are the most pressing priorities for American voters. Only 6% place discrimina­tion top of their list of concerns. By the numbers, it looks like Carville got it right.

Jones also implicitly criticized Carville for calling the “defund the police” movement “lunacy”, writing: “I agree with Carville that ‘defund the police’ has been unhelpful. It’s neither a savvy political slogan nor an accurate depiction of what most police reform advocates actually want to do.”

Not a “savvy political slogan” and “unhelpful” are understate­ments. Last year, after Republican­s took back the US House, James Clyburn of South Carolina, a member of Democratic leadership, put it this way: “‘Defund the police’ is killing our party and we’ve got to stop it.”

New York City and San Francisco have experience­d major exoduses. Safe streets and thriving tax bases are necessitie­s for vibrant urban centers. Heading for 2024, Joe Biden and Donald Trump are locked in polling dead heats. Despite his many indictment­s, Trump retains traction. Racial resentment­s helped propel him into the White House in 2016. They may do so again.

The Hidden Roots of White Supremacy: And the Path to a Shared American Future ispublishe­d in the USby Simon & Schuster

 ?? Photograph: Erik S Lesser/EPA ?? Protesters gather against a group celebratin­g Confederat­e Memorial Day beneath the carving of Jefferson Davis, Robert E Lee and Thomas 'Stonewall' Jackson in Stone Mountain, Georgia.
Photograph: Erik S Lesser/EPA Protesters gather against a group celebratin­g Confederat­e Memorial Day beneath the carving of Jefferson Davis, Robert E Lee and Thomas 'Stonewall' Jackson in Stone Mountain, Georgia.
 ?? Photograph: Brendan McDermid/Reuters ?? A protest over the death of a Black man, Daniel Prude, in Rochester, New York, in September 2020.
Photograph: Brendan McDermid/Reuters A protest over the death of a Black man, Daniel Prude, in Rochester, New York, in September 2020.

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