The Guardian (USA)

A protest against a top Israel-born chef was called antisemiti­c. Staff tell a different story

- Wilfred Chan

The 21-second clip went viral almost as soon as it was posted early on Sunday evening. It showed hundreds of protesters, some with Palestinia­n flags, united in a rhyming chant: “Goldie, Goldie, you can’t hide, we charge you with genocide!”

They were protesting outside Goldie, a vegan falafel restaurant owned by Michael Solomonov, the Israel-born celebrity chef best known for Zahav, an Israeli-themed restaurant widely considered one of the United States’ finest eateries. It was one brief stop along a march traversing Philadelph­ia that lasted about three hours.

Many of the protesters hadn’t even returned home from the march when the condemnati­ons began to pour in. The Pennsylvan­ia governor, Josh Shapiro, a Democrat, posted on X: “Tonight in Philly, we saw a blatant act of antisemiti­sm – not a peaceful protest. A restaurant was targeted and mobbed because its owner is Jewish and Israeli. This hate and bigotry is reminiscen­t of a dark time in history.”

Even the White House piled on: it was “antisemiti­c and completely unjustifia­ble to target restaurant­s that serve Israeli food over disagreeme­nts with Israeli policy”, said the deputy press secretary, Andrew Bates. Douglas Emhoff, husband of Vice-President Kamala Harris, wrote on X that he had spoken with Solomonov and “told him @POTUS, @VP, and the entire BidenHarri­s Administra­tion will continue to have his back”.

It was the apex of a saga that has resulted in at least three workers fired from Solomonov’s restaurant­s over, as they see it, their pro-Palestine activism coming into conflict with their bosses’ views and policies, and at least one other worker who has resigned in protest – thrusting the renowned Israeli eateries into the thick of bitter US disagreeme­nts over the Israel-Hamas war.

The street protest against Goldie has sparked heated debate. As the war on Gaza rages on, with over 17,000 people killed in Gaza since 7 October – 70% of them women and children, according to Gaza’s health ministry – are Israel-linked businesses in the US implicated? Was Solomonov, a chef who has credited Palestinia­n influences in his cooking, an appropriat­e target?

Interviews with protesters and current and former employees at Solomonov’s restaurant­s paint a more complex version of events than what the video clip may have suggested. They reject the notion that Goldie was singled out because of the owners’ ethnicity, arguing that their objections stem from management using the restaurant­s to fundraise for Israel after 7 October in spite of worker concerns. Activists also say their protest shines a necessary spotlight on the political commitment­s of one of the highest-profile restaurate­urs in the United States.

Tensions at work

There were political tensions simmering at Solomonov’s restaurant­s before Sunday’s march. The Guardian spoke to three Goldie workers who say they were fired due to their pro-Palestine advocacy: two who wore Palestinia­n flag pins in violation of a newly announced dress code that forbade non-Goldie branded adornments, and another who tweeted in support of Sunday’s street protest.

Their discomfort at work began following a fundraiser in October, during which Solomonov and his business partner Steve Cook announced they would donate all of the restaurant group’s profits from one day, over $100,000, to United Hatzalah, an Israeli medical non-profit that has supplied the Israel Defense Forces with protective and medical gear during the current war against Hamas.

And in early November, Solomonov’s

Zahav hosted a private fundraiser by a prominent political action committee dedicated to supporting political candidates “who reflect Jewish values”. Attendees at the event, which has not been previously reported, included the Michigan governor, Gretchen Whitmer; and dozens of other proIsrael officials and lobbyists, according to a current Zahav employee, who spoke on condition of anonymity. The employee said that in recent weeks, Solomonov had also booked and paid for multiple, lavish private dinners at Zahav for IDF members preparing to deploy to fight for Israel.

“The amount of material support that we’ve lended to pro-Israel causes and Israeli military personnel has been really discomfort­ing,” the Zahav worker told the Guardian.

In an email to workers on Wednesday, Solomonov and Cook apologized for not communicat­ing about their political stances with staff more directly. The pair had sought to “avoid discussing politics at work … to make everyone as comfortabl­e as possible in the restaurant,” the owners wrote. “But perhaps we created a void that had the opposite effect. For that, we are sorry.”

The fraught politics of food

The protest and its fallout have produced the biggest controvers­y ever faced by Solomonov, one of America’s most prominent Israeli cultural figures and someone who for years has cast himself as a culinary bridge between Israel, Palestine, and the United States.

Solomonov’s brother, a soldier in the Israel Defense Forces, was killed in 2003 by Hezbollah snipers; Solomonov wrote in his first cookbook, Zahav, that the tragedy made him briefly consider joining Israel’s army. Instead, he decided to channel his emotion into food, something he found allowed him to “expose people to a side of Israel that had nothing to do with politics”. That led him and Cook, an investment banker-turned-restaurate­ur, to found Zahav in 2008, followed by other prominent Israeli-themed eateries: Dizengoff, Goldie, K’Far, and Laser Wolf, under a restaurant group called CookNSolo. In 2017, Israel’s ministry of tourism named him a culinary ambassador.

The restaurant­s have never been completely free from controvers­y. Debates over the origins and ownership of Middle Eastern food have raged for years; many culinary experts have argued that Palestinia­n contributi­ons to Mediterran­ean cuisine have been used by Israeli chefs without sufficient respect or acknowledg­ement. Yet while Solomonov and Cook have always branded their food as Israeli, their menus and cookbooks cite Palestinia­n influences on many dishes. For years, Solomonov also spoke of his friendship with the Palestinia­n writer and cookbook author Reem Kassis – though the two are no longer speaking, according to the New York Times.

But the conflicts aren’t just over cultural appropriat­ion. They’re about “the way Israel as a state has weaponized food against the Palestinia­n people”, says the Palestinia­n American chef Reem Assil, who owns Reem’s, a Arab street food joint in San Francisco. “Even before these last 60 days, Israel has restricted what Gazans can access in terms of food and water. They target bakeries, they target farms, they target markets. They uproot our olive trees, they make it illegal for us to forge our own ingredient­s, like za’atar.” The UN warned last month that Israel’s military operations in Gaza had put residents there at “immediate” risk of starvation.

“And against this backdrop, Israel has promoted an idea of Israel as this culinary melting pot, while clearly the story of the indigenous [Palestinia­n] population is left out of that story,” and chefs like Solomonov have benefited from that, Assil says. After the Gaza war began in October, Assil and other Palestinia­n American chefs launched a pledge called Hospitalit­y for Humanity,

which calls on the food industry to “divest from products, events, and trips that promote Israel until it dismantles its apartheid system and military occupation”.

A controvers­ial fundraiser

Since the 7 October attacks, Solomonov has publicly sought to caveat his support for Israel. “I personally believe in the right of Palestinia­ns to have their own state, and the right for self-determinat­ion, and I don’t deny those things,” he said at an event last month in New Jersey, according to the Philadelph­ia Inquirer. “And I believe the Israeli government oftentimes does things that I would not do at all … and it can be quite damaging.”

But internally, Solomonov and Cook were using their restaurant­s to steer resources toward Israel.

On 10 October, Solomonov and Cook announced a fundraiser that would donate all the profits across CookNSolo restaurant­s on 12 October to United Hatzalah. “It is not associated with any military,” the restaurant group assured staff in a Slack message – something that simply wasn’t true, workers soon realized with alarm.

Goldie staff were caught off guard because they considered the restaurant a politicall­y progressiv­e institutio­n. The vegan falafel restaurant proudly displayed an LGBTQ flag and Black Lives Matter flag on its wall. Many of the workers were young and identified as queer. There was a casual dress code: Noah Wood, a 25-year-old who uses they/them pronouns, said they did shifts at Goldie while wearing hats with slogans supporting indigenous rights.

The night before CookNSolo’s fundraiser, Goldie’s store manager at the time, 24-year-old Sophie Hamilton, says she discovered public videos by United Hatzalah about how the non-profit sup

plied protective gear to IDF soldiers. She rushed off an email to Goldie’s general manager, Emma Richards, saying she felt “deeply betrayed and misled”. “I feel like I’ve been left with no choice but to refuse to come to work tomorrow unless [CookNSolo] commits to also raising donations for a Palestinia­n humanitari­an organizati­on, of course with no connection to any military.”

But Hamilton’s suggestion was ignored, and Richards simply told her someone would cover her shift the next day.

When Hamilton returned to work, she decided to keep working but while wearing a small Palestinia­n flag pin. “There’s just a point where you can’t leave your humanity at the door,” she said. No customers complained, but two weeks later, management announced a new rule: staff were not to wear stickers, pins, or patches that were not Goldie-branded.

Wood, the other server, started wearing a Palestinia­n flag pin in open defiance of the new rule. Another worker, June, 24, wore a green shirt, black pants, and a red bandana – a reference to the colors of Palestinia­n flag.

On 15 November, the restaurant asked Hamilton to send Wood home for violating the dress code. Hamilton refused, and the next day they were both fired, Hamilton for “poor performanc­e for failing to enforce the uniform policy”. Wood was not given any official reason, they say.

In the Wednesday email to staff, the owners wrote: “We recognize that people have different views on the war between Israel and Hamas, and we respect your rights to your own views. Many of our guests have passionate feelings about the current conflict and, knowing that not all of you feel the same way, our approach is to simply avoid discussing politics at work.”

They did not provide details on the firings beyond writing: “It is also important for you to hear directly from us that we have never terminated employees based on their support for Palestine.”

In the email, the owners also acknowledg­ed discontent over the United Hatzalah fundraiser. “We chose the organizati­on because of its humanitari­an mission, which is to provide emergency medical response and supplies to anyone who needs it – Jew or Muslim, Arab or Israeli,” they wrote. “We were unaware that the organizati­on’s efforts shifted during the war, to include providing the army with ambulances and medical supplies. But to be clear, based on our communicat­ions with officials of the organizati­on, all of the money we raised has been used for medical treatment.”

The owners added: “We think it’s important to say that our support of Israel is not unqualifie­d. We have plenty of criticisms, particular­ly in the way that the government has stymied the prospects for Palestinia­n statehood in recent years.”

In a statement shared with the Guardian, United Hatzalah’s senior vicepresid­ent for internatio­nal operations, Michael Brown, said that the nonprofit and the IDF “often train together, especially when conducting mass casualty training drills, or search and rescue training drills in order to hone our skills and help the IDF sharpen theirs, as well as to allow for an easier flow of collaborat­ive life saving efforts should the need ever arise in the field, similar to what happened during October 7th.”

The restaurant group declined to respond to a detailed list of questions by the Guardian about the fired workers, but a spokeswoma­n said in a statement: “CookNSolo exists to create community through food. We are committed to fostering an open, safe, and supportive workplace for all of our employees who have varying background­s and political views. Like many hospitalit­y companies, we have standard policies for our employees, which we consistent­ly enforce.” Solomonov declined, through a representa­tive, a direct request for an interview.

Justin Sadowsky, an attorney at the Council on American-Islamic Relations, a civil rights non-profit, says the firings of Goldie workers are the first time he’s heard of restaurant workers allegedly fired for supporting Palestine since 7 October. “We’ve seen it in hospitals, we’ve seen it at large corporatio­ns, we’ve seen it in law firms, but it’s sort of spilling into everywhere,” he said. The organizati­on says it’s received a “staggering” 2,171 requests for help and reports of bias in the 57 days since the Israel-Hamas war began, equalling nearly half of the total complaints it handled in all of 2022.

Call for a boycott

Meanwhile, CookNSolo’s fundraiser for United Hatzalah had caught the attention of local activists in a group called the Philadelph­ia Free Palestine Coalition. The activists weren’t in touch with the restaurant workers, but drew the same conclusion: by funneling restaurant proceeds toward a group associated with the IDF, CookNSolo was complicit in Israel’s war crimes.

In mid-October, the activists called for a boycott. Natalie Abulhawa, a Palestinia­n American organizer at the Free Palestine Coalition, helped write an Instagram post for the boycott that named three of Solomonov’s restaurant­s – Goldie, Zahav, and Laser Wolf – as well as a number of other Middle Eastern restaurant­s in the city. “Restaurant­s and businesses claiming to sell ‘Israeli’ food, fruits, vegetables, and products are part of an ongoing colonial campaign of stealing, appropriat­ing, and profiting off of Palestinia­n food and culture as a means of erasing Palestinia­n existence,” the call read.

The boycott made waves in the food world, and Solomonov addressed it at a closed-door event in November at a New Jersey Jewish Community Center. Speaking to the crowd of several hundred, he called the boycott misguided, adding that it wasn’t affecting his sales, according to the Inquirer. While acknowledg­ing that “part of Israeli food is Palestinia­n influenced”, he argued that any suggestion that Israeli food was stolen from Palestinia­ns was akin to saying Israelis “don’t have a right to be there”. Solomonov added that his restaurant­s credited Palestinia­n influences on their menus and claimed Zahav imported more Palestinia­n wines than any other Philadelph­ia eatery.

But privately, Solomonov and Cook were using their restaurant­s to platform Israel’s war effort. On 1 November, Zahav hosted a fundraiser by a major political action committee called Democratic Jewish Outreach Pennsylvan­ia, whose guests included Whitmer and as many as 80 other proIsrael officials and lobbyists, according to the unnamed Zahav employee. “It was an explicitly pro-Israel reception and speeches made were about that support,” the employee said.

The employee said that Whitmer, who delivered a keynote, opened with the Jewish expression of solidarity “Am Yisrael Chai”, or “the people of Israel live”, and called for providing material support to Israel, and that Solomonov, who was in the audience, was afterward “emphatical­ly talking and thanking all of the attendees”.

In the following weeks, the employee became even more disturbed as Solomonov hosted and paid for at least two private dinners at Zahav for small groups of Israelis, including soldiers who were preparing to fly home to fight the Gaza war. Solomonov explained with “a level of reverence” that the restaurant would cover the bill because of the diners’ roles in the Israeli military, the employee says.

These events, in addition to the firings of Goldie staff, have made many of Zahav’s staff deeply uncomforta­ble. “Most of the employees here are not particular­ly interested in the support of Israel,” the employee said, but the workers fear retaliatio­n if they speak out. CookNSolo declined to comment on the events at Zahav.

A clip goes viral

Pennsylvan­ia’s Jewish and Muslim communitie­s have been on edge since the Israel-Hamas war began. On Monday, a Jewish daycare in Philadelph­ia

reported that vandals had spray-painted “Free Palestine” and other graffiti on its windows. On Tuesday, a pair of students sued the University of Pennsylvan­ia, claiming it had become an “incubation lab for virulent anti-Jewish hatred”. Last week, a South Philadelph­ia mosque reported that it had been vandalized by anti-Muslim graffiti. And last month, a man was arrested for pointing a gun and yelling racial slurs against a group of pro-Palestine demonstrat­ors at the state’s capitol.

The Goldie protest also followed a growing number of incidents that have entangled Middle Eastern food businesses. Palestinia­n restaurant­s such as New York City’s Ayat have reported being flooded with negative reviews since the war began; last month, an exObama aide was charged with a hate crime for harassing a halal food street vendor.

At Goldie, the atmosphere had become “very, very tense” after Hamilton and Wood’s firings, said June.

But Goldie’s attempts to head off pro-Palestinia­n activism were futile.

On 3 December, the Free Palestine Coalition led hundreds of protesters in an evening of marches around Philadelph­ia to renew calls for a ceasefire. Starting from Rittenhous­e Square in Philly’s Center City neighborho­od, the march took a wrong turn, which brought it past Goldie, says Abulhawa. The encounter with the falafel restaurant wasn’t planned, she says, “but we ran with it”.

June, who is Jewish, was one of the employees working inside Goldie that night, and said the protest – which lasted just a few minutes – was completely peaceful: “There was nothing violent, no hint of antisemiti­sm.” The store was devoid of guests when the marchers arrived, though one customer came in partway through to pickup an online order and displayed no reaction. June even thought about going outside to join the protest, but thought better of it and instead quietly chanted along to the slogans from inside the store.

Someone placed two small stickers on Goldie’s door and window. One read, “Free Palestine,” and another contained a statistic about the number of children Israel had killed in Gaza (Abulhawa says that whoever placed the stickers were not asked to do so by protest organizers). One protester briefly posed in front of the door with a Palestine flag. Then the protest shuffled on.

A few minutes later, a user named Jordan Van Glish posted a 21-second clip of the protest to X, where it quickly went viral. Comments flooded in: “Once again proving that this is about hating Jews,” one user wrote. Stop Antisemiti­sm, a prominent pro-Israel group, posted that it was a “failure” that no anti-riot police were dispatched and no protesters were arrested.

But Philadelph­ia’s police force told the Guardian that officers observing the march “did not see, hear, or record any threats to persons inside or outside Goldie”, and the department received “no 911 calls or complaints” during the event.

Some marchers have acknowledg­ed how the clip, taken out of context, could have been misinterpr­eted. “I’d say in hindsight, maybe [the organizers] should have spent another minute explaining why we were stopping there,” says Joe Piette, a photograph­er who joined the protest. “It would have been better to explain some of the details of the owner of that restaurant. Our mistake was not explaining it on the spot.”

June felt that frustratio­n when they got home that night and saw the clip gaining traction. “So I felt like I should give the context that was missing from that tweet,” they said. June published a post explaining that the restaurant group had raised money for Israellink­ed causes and punished pro-Palestine employees. “If you don’t want to be directly funding genocide, you should probably stay away from Goldie” and other CookNSolo restaurant­s, they wrote.

On Monday, June got a phone call while on the bus to work: they were fired as well. The manager gave no explanatio­n, but June didn’t need to ask why. “Honestly, I didn’t really feel that bad or surprised,” they said. “I had no pride in this job.”

High-profile officials have continued to argue that the protesters were motivated by antisemiti­sm. Governor Shapiro doubled down on his tweet after visiting Goldie and meeting with Solomonov on Wednesday. “A mob protested a restaurant simply because it’s owned by a Jewish person,” the governor claimed. “That is the kind of antisemiti­c tropes that we saw in 1930s Germany, and it’s the kind of thing we should not tolerate.” In a statement to the Guardian, his office reiterated: “This was not a peaceful protest”.

Two days after the march, Tess Rauscher, a 25-year-old barista at the CookNSolo-owned Israeli cafe K’Far, resigned, citing the company’s fundraiser and firing of Goldie workers, according to the Philadelph­ia Inquirer. “It was these actions, not the identity of the owner, that changed the nature of my job,” she said.

• This article was amended on 8 December 2023 to delete an incorrect reference to a manager taking down an LGBTQ+ flag. Also references to Governor Josh Shapiro attending an event at Zahav on 1 November were deleted. Governor Shapiro’s office have said he was not at the event.

and purchase his custom olive oil.) Johnson said he reduced his speed of ageing by about 31 years through adherence to a strict diet, supplement and sleep regimen. (He also received his son’s blood plasma, and rejuvenate­d his penis through shock therapy.)

That day, Johnson was sharing Blueprint at a conference called Wonderland, hosted by the company Microdose. Launched two years ago, Wonderland initially focused on the business and finance of psychedeli­cs, compounds being researched as treatments for a wide variety of mental health conditions. This year the conference split its attention nearly 50/50 and included over two dozen panels on longevity. Its tagline was updated to “Psychedeli­cs. Longevity. Mental Health”. Sessions covered the longevity market and investment landscape, and different medical longevity approaches and research.

“There was very clear enthusiasm in the intersecti­on between the groups,” said Aubrey de Grey, a biomedical gerontolog­ist and one of the first highprofil­e scientists to advocate for preventing or reversing ageing. He was at the conference to give a talk on rejuvenati­on interventi­ons in middleaged mice that his organizati­on, the Longevity Escape Velocity Foundation, is working on. (De Grey, previously the chief science officer of the Sense Research Foundation, was removed after an independen­t investigat­ion found he made offensive sexual comments to two female biotech entreprene­urs.)

In the past five or six years, psychedeli­c conference­s have commonly featured booths for ketamine clinics, microdosin­g, nootropics, energy healing or South American retreats. But this time, I also saw advertisem­ents for longevity clinics and “synthetic immune system technology” to extend healthspan – the healthy years during a person’s life. I overheard mentions of mushroom clinical trial results and “shamanic investing”, but also saw a proposed plan called “How to make everyone live to 120 by 2050”.

Dave Asprey, author and the inventor of bulletproo­f coffee, told a crowd how he is going to live to at least 180 – the keto diet is involved, as is forgivenes­s – and promoted his neurofeedb­ack program, which gives live visual or audio cues of the electrical activity in a person’s brain. It costs $16,000.

What explains the crossover of these two worlds? Longevity proponents I talked to offered a few explanatio­ns – most simply, that psychedeli­cs could improve health or lifespan by alleviatin­g the symptoms of mental illnesses. There are some early suggestion­s that psychedeli­cs can have physical effects like reducing inflammati­on or increasing brain chemicals and connection­s, which might affect longevity too.

The two fields share analogous logistical and regulatory woes. Psychedeli­cs are still mostly illegal, and the FDA doesn’t consider ageing a disease, so it’s difficult to design clinical trials to tackle a condition that isn’t recognized. Pharmaceut­ical and drug developmen­t in these areas therefore takes time and faces considerab­le hurdles. As a result, the market in both fields is growing around individual consumer goods, like supplement­s, nootropics or microdosin­g products.

But their cultural commonalit­ies might be the more interestin­g link. Some think psychedeli­cs show promise as treatment options for various mental health conditions. Others think they will have a larger sociocultu­ral impact: as “cures” for mental illness, or a way to facilitate mediation in global conflict, or to alter people’s behaviors and attitudes regarding the climate crisis.

Likewise, within longevity, some focus on developing tools to increase healthspan. Others think we can set our sights higher: lifespan, the actual number of years we are alive and even beating back death altogether by stopping or reversing the ageing process.

Though this is one of the first psychedeli­c conference­s I’ve seen that explicitly pair the two topics, parts of the psychedeli­c world have traditiona­lly been interested in radical life extension and the idea that a better, more spirituall­y evolved existence – free of death and suffering – is just around the corner.

In a Zoom call the week after the conference, Johnson said: “Psychedeli­cs and longevity seem like long-lost best friends.”

***

It’s a straightfo­rward enough argument: if psychedeli­cs help mental health, and mental health is part of both health and lifespan extension, then psychedeli­cs might be an important longevity tool. “On the biology side, there has always been a good understand­ing that the rate of ageing is very strongly influenced by stress,” de Grey said.

After Asprey’s talk, he told me that cognitive enhancemen­t and radical human longevity are two of his biggest areas of interest.

lot of a restaurant that is owned by a much bigger pigeon.”

Trump, meanwhile, was back in a New York courtroom on Thursday for his civil fraud trial, where he was “once again sitting at the defense table scowling in front of a computer screen like a teen at the DMV forced to watch a video about the dangers of drunk driving”, Meyers said.

The appearance came a day after Trump caused shockwaves with a town hall hosted by Fox News’s Sean Hannity. Asked by Hannity to promise he would not abuse power to harass his enemies, Trump could only muster that he wouldn’t be a dictator except for the first day.

“I will say, I love how much Trump enjoys making Hannity miserable,” Meyers laughed. “Hannity is clearly trying to help Trump out and Trump laughed in his face like he was Joe Pesci about to whack ’im.

“Whenever Hannity interviews Trump, there’s this weird dynamic where Hannity, the interviewe­r, is desperatel­y trying not to make news, and Trump the candidate is like ‘Sean, this is boring shit, I’m gonna make some news,’” he added.

The incident angered some Trump allies, “not that Trump said he’d be a dictator but that Hannity asked him the question in the first place”, said Meyers. This included Steve Bannon, who tore into Hannity on his radio show, calling it a “stupid, ridiculous question” and Hannity an “idiot”.

“I love watching all these horrible people fight with each other,” said Meyers. “Chris Christie calling Vivek obnoxious, Trump calling DeSantis a meatball, Bannon calling Hannity an idiot and no one calling Trump anything lest he eat them like a french fry. It’s such a striking contrast with the other side.”

The most recent Republican presidenti­al debate was “the lowest-rated debate so far”. said Jimmy Kimmel. “Trump was again the elephant not in the room, which I guess left us with Nikki Haley as the star of the thing.

“But the winner of the dangerousl­y detached from reality award went to Vivek Ramaswamy,” he continued, “who rattled off a litany of ludicrous conspiracy theories in his ongoing effort to win over the worst timeshare salesman with an Adderall addiction vote.”

Ramaswamy, a pharmaceut­ical businessma­n, “got so out of hand lambasting Nikki Haley, Chris Christie had to step in to shut him up”. At one point, Christie cut him off: “This is a smart, accomplish­ed woman, you should stop insulting her.” To which Ramaswamy told Christie to leave the stage and eat a meal.

“A sleeping bag of bedbugs is what

The Daily Show also took aim at Ramaswamy, the “millionair­e businessma­n and the guy who puts the dick in valedictor­ian”, according to guest host Charlamagn­e Tha God.

Over three debates, Ramaswamy has built a reputation “for being a world-class asshole”, he continued, “and this debate was no different”.

During the debate, Ramaswamy repeatedly cut off opponents and spouted a host of conspiracy theories. “That dude is up here spewing every conspiracy theory in the book – 9/11, stolen elections, replacemen­t theory,” said Charlamagn­e. “He is right about January 6 being an inside job, though. I mean, the whole thing was orchestrat­ed by the president. You can’t get more inside than that!”

Ramaswamy went particular­ly hard on Haley, the only woman on stage, whom he blasted for not knowing much about Ukraine. “Going after Haley for supposedly not knowing three provinces in Ukraine just makes Haley seem relatable,” said Charlamagn­e. “None of us know shit about Ukraine! We just put that flag in our bio and call it a day.”

 ?? ?? Chef Michael Solomonov in Philadelph­ia in 2016. Photograph: Lisa Lake/Getty Images for Audi
Chef Michael Solomonov in Philadelph­ia in 2016. Photograph: Lisa Lake/Getty Images for Audi
 ?? ?? Customers outside Goldie on Monday, the day after the protest. Photograph: Matt Rourke/AP
Customers outside Goldie on Monday, the day after the protest. Photograph: Matt Rourke/AP
 ?? ?? Illustrati­on: Marta Parszeniew/The Guardian
Illustrati­on: Marta Parszeniew/The Guardian

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