The Guardian (USA)

Millions of Palestinia­ns rely on UNRWA. Why is the US suspending funding based on Israeli accusation­s?

- Moustafa Bayoumi

On Friday, the United States suspended funding to the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA), the main lifeline for millions of Palestinia­n refugees in Gaza, the West Bank, Jordan, Lebanon and Syria. Multiple western countries then followed the US’s lead. The given reason? The Israeli government alleges that a dozen peoplework­ing for UNRWA (which employs around 13,000 people in Gaza alone) were involved in the assaults of 7 October that killed around 1,200 people in Israel.

There should be no question that the 7 October attacks were atrocities. But to punish the UNRWA – and, by extension, the Palestinia­n people as a whole – because of accusation­s against 12 people is unconscion­able. It is an act of political retaliatio­n that puts the lives of millions of people needlessly at risk and an abdication on an internatio­nal scale of the United States’ supposed western liberal values.

The decision is an insult to the most basic tenets of law and morality as understood by the US, internatio­nal law and the legal systems of countless other countries, especially the principles that accusation­s are not facts; guilt is individual, not collective; and people are innocent until proven guilty. All of that has just been thrown in the trash with a lit match by the US and many other western powers.

Not only have the US and allies including Britain, Germany, Austria, Italy, the Netherland­s, Finland, Australia and Canada abruptly suspended funding to an institutio­n that provides millions of civilians with essential needs, they’ve done so on the basis of accusation­s leveled by Israel, which is hardly a disinteres­ted party.

In fact, Axios, citing a senior Israeli official, reports that much of the intelligen­ce underlying the accusation­s comes from Israeli interrogat­ions of prisoners. Human rights groups frequently describe Israeli detention practices as rising to the level of “torture”, which is not only morally abhorrent but also a notoriousl­y poor provider of actionable intelligen­ce. That Israel would have its own agenda in making these accusation­s should be self-evident.

And even if we were to accept, purely for the sake of argument, that those accused did participat­e in the Oc

tober attacks, what does that have to do with UNRWA? The New York Times has seen the dossier the Israeli government presented to the US, but the Times’s story reported no institutio­nal collusion between UNRWA and Hamas, only that the accused had jobs with UNRWA.

As a point of comparison, the US army reservist Sabrina Harman was convicted in 2005 of maltreatme­nt of detainees in connection with the Abu Ghraib scandal in Iraq. Harman worked as an assistant manager for Papa John’s Pizza in Alexandria, Virginia, shortly before heading to Iraq. Should Papa John’s also have been prosecuted for maltreatme­nt of detainees? Is Papa John’s responsibl­e for Harman’s actions? Of course not. (If Papa John’s should be prosecuted for anything, it should be for their pizza.)

Context, rather than accusation, offers a much better explanatio­n as to what’s going on here. First, there is the context of what this agency really is. UNRWA is certainly a necessary social service provider, but it’s also an internatio­nal agency whose history imbues it with considerab­le symbolic and material weight. Solely by its continued existence after more than seven decades, UNRWA has become an abiding testament to the still unsolved refugee crisis at the heart of the Palestinia­n question.

Establishe­d by the UN general assembly in 1949, UNRWA began operations in 1950, immediatel­y aiding the 750,000 Palestinia­ns who had been displaced from their homes after the 1948 war. Initially, many considered UNRWA a temporary institutio­n, as Palestinia­n refugees awaited the execution of UN Resolution 194, which stated that “refugees wishing to return to their homes and live at peace with their neighbours should be permitted to do so at the earliest practicabl­e date”.

Needless to say, that day has never come. UNRWA has continued to register Palestinia­n refugee after refugee after refugee (nearly 6 million of them now with UNRWA) in the five areas (Gaza, the West Bank, Jordan, Lebanon and Syria) where it operates and to provide them with healthcare, education, job and loan assistance, and other basic infrastruc­tural needs and some ability to live dignified lives under the most difficult of circumstan­ces.

Many Palestinia­ns rely primarily on UNRWA for assistance and employment; many Israelis, on the other hand, view UNRWA as a nagging reminder that Palestinia­n refugees continue to exist and, worse yet, demand their rights. If UNRWA were to go away, in the view of some Israelis, those refugees’ rights would disappear with it.

Palestinia­ns are very aware of this thinking. A Palestinia­n NGO worker put it this way to the Internatio­nal Crisis Group in August 2023: “In the Palestinia­n consciousn­ess, as long as UNRWA exists as a temporary internatio­nal mechanism, which has now survived for 75 years, a Palestinia­n refugee has the right to return to his homeland. If UNRWA goes, his own status is no longer temporary but becomes permanent.”

For this reason the Israeli government has repeatedly tried to defund and delegitima­te UNRWA. Israel succeeded, briefly, during the Trump administra­tion, which defunded UNRWA in a misbegotte­n effort to eliminate the “right of return” guaranteed by the UN Resolution 194. Back then, other nations stepped in to make up for some of the shortfalls, since the action was so obviously Trumpian, onesided and politicall­y egregious.

Today the American political context is different, but behavior much worse. On the same day that the US announced its suspension of funding for UNRWA, the Internatio­nal Court of Justice ruled that Israel must protect Palestinia­ns from “irreparabl­e consequenc­es” and desist from certain actions that might constitute genocide.

The court has not yet ruled on the allegation of genocide but did indicate certain measures that Israel must immediatel­y implement. Among them was this: “The State of Israel shall take immediate and effective measures to enable the provision of urgently needed basic services and humanitari­an assistance to address the adverse conditions of life faced by Palestinia­ns in the Gaza Strip.”

Since, as everyone knows, UNRWA is overwhelmi­ngly the major provider of basic services and humanitari­an aid in Gaza, suspending aid to UNRWA makes fulfilling the ICJ’s order virtually impossible. If that doesn’t translate directly into western complicity in genocide, then I don’t know what would.

Efforts to eliminate UNRWA go hand-in-hand with both the destructio­n of individual Palestinia­n lives and the eradicatio­n of the recognized and collective aspiration­s of the Palestinia­n people. South Africa’s decision to sue Israel for genocide in the Internatio­nal Court of Justice was motivated to protect Palestinia­ns from precisely this kind of brutality and subjugatio­n. During the ICJ trial, the whole world waited with bated breath to hear how internatio­nal law would rule.

By choosing to ignore the most basic principles of law and morality in favor of their own cynical political calculatio­ns, the US and its allies are not just putting Palestinia­n lives in Gaza at grave – if not genocidal – risk, but jeopardizi­ng the rule of law everywhere and placing all of us in future peril.

Moustafa Bayoumi is a Guardian US columnist

 ?? Photograph: Anadolu Agency/Anadolu/Getty Images ?? ‘It is an act of political retaliatio­n that puts the lives of millions of people needlessly at risk, and an abdication on an internatio­nal scale of the United States’ supposed western liberal values.’
Photograph: Anadolu Agency/Anadolu/Getty Images ‘It is an act of political retaliatio­n that puts the lives of millions of people needlessly at risk, and an abdication on an internatio­nal scale of the United States’ supposed western liberal values.’

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