The Guardian (USA)

Will Biden finally stop enabling Netanyahu’s extremist government?

- Mohamad Bazzi is director of the Hagop Kevorkian Center for Near Eastern Studies, and a journalism professor at New York University Mohamad Bazzi

On Monday, the Israeli military ordered Palestinia­ns in the city of Rafah to evacuate ahead of airstrikes, which unleashed fears that Israel was starting a ground invasion of Gaza’s southernmo­st city, where 1.4 million Palestinia­ns have taken shelter. Hours later, Hamas announced that it had agreed to a ceasefire proposal outlined by Egypt and Qatar. But the Israeli prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, rejected the deal and doubled down on his plan to invade Rafah and achieve “total victory” against Hamas.

It was a dizzying day in Israel’s brutal seven-month war on Gaza. But one thing was clear: Netanyahu does not want to end the war – and he’s doing all he can to undermine negotiatio­ns for a ceasefire and an agreement to release the remaining hostages held by Hamas since its 7 October attack on Israel. Netanyahu and his extremist allies fear that once the war ends, they will face early parliament­ary elections and multiple investigat­ions into the government’s intelligen­ce failures leading up to the Hamas attacks.

Netanyahu and his Likud party are likely to lose any upcoming elections, and once he’s out of power, Netanyahu faces a long-delayed corruption trial on charges of bribery, fraud and breach of trust for acts he allegedly committed during earlier stints as prime minister. Netanyahu is a political survivor who has put his personal interests above all else. He is the longest-serving premier in Israel’s history, having served for more than 16 years over multiple terms since 1996.

It’s clear why Netanyahu would want to prolong a ruthless war to cling to power and avoid accountabi­lity. It’s less clear why Joe Biden would risk his own political future on unconditio­nal support for Netanyahu and his extremist government.

After 7 October, the US president announced his absolute support for Israel and embraced Netanyahu in a bear hug during a visit to Tel Aviv. Since then, the prime minister has consistent­ly embarrasse­d and broken his promises to Israel’s most important ally without paying a price. For months, Biden and his top aides complained about Netanyahu and the horrific number of Palestinia­n casualties, but they continued to provide diplomatic cover and US weapons that allow Israel to sustain its war machine.

Today, Netanyahu seems ready to defy all of Biden’s supposed red lines: by launching a major ground invasion of Rafah, despite months of warnings from the US, and sabotaging a ceasefire deal. Netanyahu and his allies are trying to sell the Israeli public – and the world – on the myth that they can win a complete victory in Gaza if the Israeli military can destroy four Hamas battalions that it claims are holed up in Rafah. “We will enter Rafah and we will eliminate the Hamas battalions there – whether or not there is a deal – in order to achieve total victory,” Netanyahu said last week.

But Biden doesn’t have to buy into Netanyahu’s reckless and inhumane policy, which ignores the fate of 1.4 million Palestinia­ns driven out of their homes in other parts of Gaza by the Israeli military, using US-supplied weapons. Washington has provided tens of thousands of bombs and other munitions that enabled Israel to carry out one of the most destructiv­e bombing campaigns in modern history, which has killed more than 34,000 Palestinia­ns, a majority of them women and children, and unleashed famine in northern Gaza.

After seven months of supporting such wanton death and destructio­n, Biden is finally showing a willingnes­s to use the most effective leverage he has over Israel: the president can stop US shipments of weapons and force

Netanyahu to accept a ceasefire. Despite Netanyahu defying and humiliatin­g him at every turn, Biden had resisted changing US policy since October – even as he continued to lose support among Black and Arab American voters, along with young progressiv­es, who are dismayed by his backing of Israel’s slaughter.

Instead of taking action – which could have significan­tly lessened Palestinia­n suffering and starvation over the past few months – the Biden administra­tion decided to leak a stream of stories indicating that its patience was running out and Biden was close to a “breach” with Netanyahu over Gaza. In one leak to NBC News, anonymous Biden aides claimed that the president called Netanyahu an “asshole” at least three times.

While Biden was busy telling the world how fed up he was with Netanyahu, the prime minister used these empty threats to enhance his position and argue that he’s the only Israeli leader capable of standing up to the US.

Last week, Biden finally delayed a weapons shipment to Israel, withholdin­g several thousand bombs which the US administra­tion fears could be dropped on Rafah by the Israeli military during a large-scale invasion. It’s a small step toward restrainin­g Netanyahu, although the administra­tion recently approved other arms shipments to Israel worth $827m.

On Wednesday, Biden said he would also block the delivery of artillery shells and other weapons that could be used to bomb densely populated areas of Rafah. It was the first time that Biden blocked some arms shipments to Israel, although he made clear that he won’t limit shipments for the Iron Dome missile defense system and other weapons that ensure Israel is able to “respond to attacks.”

Biden and his top aides have another opportunit­y this week to change course and end US complicity in Israel’s war. A new national security memo that Biden issued in February, under pressure from some Democrats in Congress critical of his unconditio­nal support for Israel, requires the administra­tion to certify to Congress that recipients of US weapons are abiding by internatio­nal law and allowing the transport of humanitari­an aid during active conflicts. The administra­tion can suspend or cancel arms shipments to countries that fail to meet the requiremen­ts set out in its memo, which reinforces existing US laws.

In late March, the state department confirmed that Israel had submitted written assurances that it was not using US weapons to violate internatio­nal law. After receiving those statements from Israeli officials, the Biden administra­tion announced that Israel had not violated internatio­nal law or prevented humanitari­an aid from reaching starving Palestinia­ns – even as the world could see Israel blocking aid shipments from entering Gaza in real time.

But the administra­tion is required to submit an annual report to Congress, which is due this week, explaining whether Israel’s statements are valid and how US officials evaluated these claims. Last month, Reuters reported that several senior officials have told the US secretary of state, Antony Blinken, in an internal memo that Israel’s assurances are “neither credible nor reliable”. The officials from four different state department bureaus raised questions about potential Israeli violations of internatio­nal law during the Gaza war.

The fact that US officials decided to leak this classified document shows the level of concern about American complicity in potential Israeli war crimes – and the lack of faith that Biden and his top aides will stop weapons shipments to Israel even when there’s evidence that it is violating internatio­nal and US laws.

For months, human rights and internatio­nal relief groups have documented that Israel is using starvation as a weapon of war – a violation of internatio­nal law – and obstructin­g the delivery of food and other aid into Gaza. In January, the internatio­nal court of justice ordered Israel to prevent acts of genocide by its troops, and to provide basic services and allow more humanitari­an assistance into Gaza. But Israel has continued to defy the court’s rulings, most recently on 5 May, when it closed a key crossing point for aid into Gaza after a Hamas rocket attack.

Washington provides $3.8bn in military aid to Israel a year – and Israel is the largest cumulative recipient of US foreign aid in the world, having received about $300bn since the state was founded in 1948. Last month, Congress approved $26bn in additional support to Israel, which includes $14bn in unconditio­nal military aid and some humanitari­an assistance for civilians in Gaza.

This level of support gives Biden and his administra­tion tremendous leverage over Netanyahu and the Israeli government. But until this week, Biden has decided not to use that power – or to abandon a foreign leader who’s willing to prolong a brutal war to save himself.

 ?? … ’ Photograph: Ronen Zvulun/ Reuters ?? ‘Netanyahu and his extremist allies fear that once the war ends, they will face early parliament­ary elections
… ’ Photograph: Ronen Zvulun/ Reuters ‘Netanyahu and his extremist allies fear that once the war ends, they will face early parliament­ary elections

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