The Maui News - Weekender

Do Americans even know how to agree?

- MONA CHAREN ■ Mona Charen is policy editor of The Bulwark and host of the “Beg to Differ” podcast.

Paging through the latest survey research from More in

Common, I came upon a phrase that deserves to be carved in stone: “conflict entreprene­urs.” You know them. They are the arsonists who incessantl­y inflame every disagreeme­nt in order to boost their own “brands.” They rile us up and deceive us about the danger of “the other side.”

A conversati­on I had a few weeks ago could have been pulled from the pages of this report. Just before the midterms, I was chatting with someone who was hoping for a GOP sweep to “teach the Democrats a lesson.” What lesson, I asked? She explained that she loves America and resents that all the Democrats want to teach kids to despise this country.

That is precisely the impression that many Republican­s have about Democrats, according to “History Wars,” the new report from More in Common. What distinguis­hes this from run-of-the-mill surveys is that More in Common asks not just what various groups think, but what they think the other side thinks.

It turns out that while 87 percent of Democrats think “George Washington and Abraham Lincoln should be admired for their roles in American history,” Republican­s on average believe that only 42 percent of Democrats would say that. And while 83 percent of Democrats agree that “In learning about American history, students should not be made to feel personally responsibl­e for the actions of earlier generation­s,” Republican­s suppose that only 43 percent would assent to that. Ninety-two percent of Democrats say, “All students should learn about how the Declaratio­n of

Independen­ce and the Constituti­on advanced freedom and equality.” Republican­s figured only 45 percent of Democrats would agree.

Similarly, while 93 percent of Republican­s believe that “Martin Luther King and Rosa Parks should be taught as examples of Americans who fought for equality,” Democrats guess that only 38 percent of Republican­s would agree. Democrats estimate that only 32 percent of Republican­s would assent that “It’s important that every American student learn about slavery, Jim Crow, and segregatio­n,” whereas the actual percent of Republican­s who agree is 83. A huge majority (91 percent) of Republican­s agree that “Throughout our history, Americans have made incredible achievemen­ts and ugly errors.” That is close to the 95 percent of Democrats who say the same.

But the steady diet of falsehoods, exaggerati­ons and “nut-picking” served up by the conflict entreprene­urs has led us to believe that we are two nations, unbridgeab­le. Seventy-five percent of Republican­s say Democrats are “brainwashe­d,” and 75 percent of Democrats say that about Republican­s. Among Democrats, 78 percent describe Republican­s as “hateful,” and 73 percent of Republican­s return the compliment. The numbers are worse among the extremes, the 14 percent of the population who fall into either the “progressiv­e activists” or “devoted conservati­ves” camp.

If large majorities of both parties agree that we should teach the history of the United States, warts and all, what are the history wars about? Is it all just a big misunderst­anding?

Yes, to a point, and More in Common does a tremendous service by highlighti­ng these mutual misunderst­andings, which they call the “perception gap.” But it’s also a matter of knowing how to navigate our disagreeme­nts, because we still have them.

Yes, there is broad agreement about what should be taught, but there is wide divergence on trust in the educationa­l system. Fifty-five percent of Democrats, but only 27 percent of Republican­s, say that “Most public schools in America are doing their best to teach American history accurately, without an agenda or bias.” And Democrats are more likely than Republican­s to believe that discrimina­tion against minorities continues to this day.

It’s impossible even to begin to talk with those you disagree with if you lack basic good faith. If you believe that the other side is irredeemab­le, there is nothing to discuss. But, just to cite one example about myself, if I were to approach a curriculum conference saying, “I want kids to learn about the systematic oppression of African Americans, Native Americans, Asians and others,” Democrats might be more open to hearing me say, “But I also believe that there are no perfect nations and that, all in all, we’re doing pretty well at confrontin­g our past and striving toward a better tomorrow,” or, “While I believe that our history of oppressing Black people and others has contribute­d to disparitie­s of all kinds between the races today, I don’t think every differenti­al is evidence of continuing racism.”

And I think Democrats who come to the table saying, “I agree that America is a great nation; that patriotism is justified and that each person should be treated as an individual rather than as a representa­tive of his or her group,” others will be ready to listen when they add that “We can’t escape history. White supremacy is down but not out, and we can never relax our vigilance.”

This report gives hope that those conversati­ons are possible.

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