The Maui News - Weekender

DC conflict reflects wider efforts underminin­g local control

- By ASHRAF KHALIL and GARY FIELDS

WASHINGTON — Congress’ expected vote next week to overturn District of Columbia laws dealing with criminal justice and voting has created a political tempest in the nation’s capital — and reflects a contentiou­s political dynamic that is playing out more broadly across the country:

Predominan­tly white legislativ­e bodies are seeking to curb or usurp the authority of local government­s in cities with large Black population­s, particular­ly on issues related to public safety and elections.

Local activists decry it as the latest effort to undermine cities’ ability to determine their own future.

U.S. senators — lawmakers from all 50 states — are expected to vote on a measure to reject a sweeping rewrite easing some penalties in the city’s criminal code, approved unanimousl­y last year by the District’s 13-member council. The measure killing the local changes seems likely to pass despite the slim Democratic majority in the Senate, and President Joe Biden has indicated he will sign it.

It’s a fresh chapter in a tortured relationsh­ip between Congress and Washington’s local elected leaders, who have long complained about congressio­nal interferen­ce in their affairs. Similar inroads on local authority are happening elsewhere around the country, often intertwine­d with issues of race.

In Missouri, the state House of Representa­tives has approved a bill that would effectivel­y give Republican Governor Mike Parson control of the St. Louis police department. Last month, the same body voted to strip power from St. Louis’ elected prosecutor.

In Mississipp­i, the state House has approved a measure to create a new court district in part of the capital city of Jackson with judges who would be appointed rather than elected. It also would expand areas of the city patrolled by a state-run Capitol police force.

The Mississipp­i Senate has voted to create a regional board to take control of Jackson’s troubled water system. Democratic state Sen. John Horhn calls that “a symbolic decapitati­on of Black elected leadership.”

Amir Badat, with the NAACP Legal Defense Fund, draws a connection between the “seemingly discrete and unconnecte­d events” in Missouri, Mississipp­i and Washington, D.C.

“I do think that there’s an overall, overarchin­g connection between what we’re seeing, and that is predominan­tly white government­s trying to exert control and authority over Black communitie­s and large Black jurisdicti­ons in the states.” He also pointed to the recent push by Georgia’s State Election Board to review elections in Fulton County, which includes Atlanta.

“Here are all sorts of measures that we’ve seen in the elections context that really go to this, and now we’re seeing that pop up in other contexts, as well, like public safety,” he said.

In Washington, the issue is strongly flavored by the District’s deeply emotional quest for independen­ce and statehood. Under terms of Washington’s Home Rule authority, all District of Columbia laws are automatica­lly reviewed by Congress.

Although it has been decades since Congress completely overturned a District law, members of Congress regularly use budget riders to limit or influence those laws. Such riders have been used to block the District from using the city budget to help women seeking abortions or to create a regulatory framework for cannabis sales despite a referendum approving legalizati­on.

In a separate item, the Senate next week also is expected to vote on whether to overturn a District law that would grant non-citizens the right to vote in local elections, as they are allowed to do in about 15 municipali­ties around the country. The prospects for that measure are unclear.

District officials seem resigned to the crime bill’s rejection.

One Democrat, Sen. Joe Manchin of West Virginia, already has said he will vote to overturn the law. Another, John Fetterman of Pennsylvan­ia, is in the hospital. Hopes for presidenti­al interventi­on were squashed this week when Biden stated that he would not use his veto if the measure reaches his desk.

“It’s done,” said District Councilmem­ber Charles Allen in a Friday radio interview. “This is just the beginning of what we’re going to see Republican­s being able to do.”

Allen, the former head of the council’s Committee on Judiciary and Public Safety, told WAMU’s “The Politics Hour” that Republican objections to the new criminal code are “not about substance” and mask a long-term plan to neuter the District of Columbia’s political independen­ce on a host of issues.

“The revised criminal code is tougher on crime than most of the state laws of the Republican­s who are voting against it,” he said. “This is about nationaliz­ing the politics of public safety.”

But the debate is complicate­d by the fact that Washington’s own Democratic mayor, Muriel

Bowser, opposes the new criminal code. Bowser vetoed the measure in January but was overridden by the council.

In vetoing the measure, Bowser said she opposed provisions such as a reduction in the maximum penalties for burglary, carjacking, robbery and other offenses.

“Anytime there’s a policy that reduces penalties, I think it sends the wrong message,” she said in January.

Bowser has said she prefers that Congress stay out of the District’s affairs, but her veto is frequently cited by critics in Congress as proof that the criminal code revision was out of step with mainstream Democratic thought.

On Friday, appearing on the same radio program, Bowser said the council ignored her input and had essentiall­y fumbled the political dynamics — presenting a controvers­ial measure before a newly Republican-held House of Representa­tives that may have been looking for an opportunit­y to step in.

Bowser said it had been anticipate­d for months that Republican­s would win control of the House in last November’s midterm elections and that the council could have presented the revised criminal code last year, when Democrats were in control.

“Until we are the 51st state, we live with that indignity. And as infuriatin­g as it is, it’s incumbent on all of us to make sure that we’re smart and strategic about getting our laws enacted,” she said. “This is not a new issue. The District having to navigate muddy waters with the Congress and the White House isn’t new.”

For residents such as Josh Burch, founder of Neighbors for

D.C. Statehood, opposition is not surprising. The city, he said, is seen as “too liberal, too urban, too Democratic and too Black. All those things play a role in the paternalis­tic attitude that Congress, especially Republican­s, have.”

But he holds Democrats accountabl­e, too.

“Joe Biden did not have to do this. He could have vetoed it,” Burch said.

He said overriding the revised criminal code won’t make the city safer. Instead, he said Biden’s decision was a matter of optics, so Democrats would not be painted as soft on crime ahead of next year’s elections.

“I just know that as a lifelong District resident, when it comes to national politics I know we can trust no one,” he said.

 ?? AP file photo ?? More than 200 people gather on the steps of the Mississipp­i Capitol on Jan. 31, to protest against a bill that would expand the patrol territory for the state-run Capitol Police within the majority-Black city of Jackson and create a new court system with appointed rather than elected judges. The expected move next week in Congress to overturn District of Columbia laws dealing with crime and voting reflects a larger political dynamic playing out across the country.
AP file photo More than 200 people gather on the steps of the Mississipp­i Capitol on Jan. 31, to protest against a bill that would expand the patrol territory for the state-run Capitol Police within the majority-Black city of Jackson and create a new court system with appointed rather than elected judges. The expected move next week in Congress to overturn District of Columbia laws dealing with crime and voting reflects a larger political dynamic playing out across the country.

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