The year the Fed changed forever
WASHINrTON >> As Jerome Powell, the Federal Reserve chair, rang in 2020 in Florida, where he was celebrating his son’s wedding, his work life seemed to be entering a period of relative calm. President Donald Trump’s public attacks on the central bank had eased up after 18 months of steady criticism, and the trade war with China seemed to be cooling, brightening the outlook for markets and the economy.
Yet the earliest signs of a new — and far more dangerous — crisis were surfacing some 8,000 miles away. The novel coronavirus had been detected in Wuhan, China. Powell and his colleagues were about to face some of the most trying months in Fed history.
By mid-March, as markets were crashing, the Fed had cut interest rates to near zero to protect the economy. By March 23, to avert a full-blown financial crisis, the Fed had rolled out nearly its entire 2008 menu of emergency loan programs, while teaming up with the
Treasury Department to announce programs that had never been tried including plans to support lending to small and mediumsize businesses and buy corporate debt. In early April, it tacked on a plan to get credit flowing to states.
“We crossed a lot of red lines that had not been crossed before,” Powell said at an event earlier this year.
The Fed’s job in normal times is to help the economy operate at an even keel to keep prices stable and jobs plentiful. Its sweeping pandemic response pushed its powers into new territory. The central bank restored calm to markets and helped keep credit available to consumers and businesses. It also led Republicans to try to limit the vast tool set of
the politically independent and unelected institution. The Fed’s emergency loan programs became a critical sticking point in the negotiations over the government spending package Congress approved this week.
But even amid the backlash, the Fed’s work in salvaging a pandemic-stricken economy remains unfinished, with millions of people out of jobs and businesses suffering.
The Fed is likely to keep rates at rock bottom for years, guided by a new approach to setting monetary policy adopted this summer that aims for slightly higher inflation and tests how low unemployment can fall.
In Washington, reactions to the Fed’s bigger role have been swift and divided. Democrats want the Fed to do more, portraying the attention to climate-related financial risks as a welcome step but just a beginning.
They have also pushed the Fed to use its emergency lending powers to funnel cheap credit to state and local governments and small businesses.
Republicans have worked to restrict the Fed to ensure that the role it has played in this pandemic does not outlast the crisis.
Sen. Pat Toomey, R-Pa., spearheaded the effort to insert language into the relief package that could have forced future Fed emergency lending programs to stick to soothing Wall Street instead of trying to also directly support Main Street as the Fed has done in the current downturn.
Republicans worry that the Fed could use its power to support partisan goals by invoking its regulatory power over banks, for instance, to treat oil and gas companies as financial risks, or by propping up financially troubled municipal govern
ments.
“Fiscal and social policy is the rightful realm of the people who are accountable to the American people, and that’s us that’s Congress,” Toomey, who could be the next banking committee chair and thus one of Powell’s most important overseers, said last week from the Senate floor.
Toomey’s proposal got watered down during congressional negotiations, clearing the way for a broader relief deal: Congress barred the central bank from reestablishing the exact facilities used in 2020, but it did not cut off its power to help states and companies in the future.
Democrats said the new language was limited enough that the Fed could still buy municipal bonds or make business loans via emergency powers; Toomey told The New York Times that doing so would require
congressional approval. The divide suggested that the scope of the Fed’s powers could remain a point of debate.
As Powell, 67, faces pressure from all sides in 2021, he could find himself auditioning for his own job. His term expires in early 2022, which means that Presidentelect Joe Biden will choose whether to renominate him.
Powell, a Republican who was made a Fed governor by President Barack Obama and elevated to his current position by Trump, has yet to say publicly whether he wants to be reappointed. His chances could be affected by the Fed’s coronavirus crisis response, which has been credited as early and swift. Powell was at Group of 20 meetings in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, in late February when it began to become clear to him that the coronavirus was unlikely to remain regionally isolated.