The Mercury News

The unintended consequenc­es of push to kill U.S. labor unions

- By Dana Milbank Dana Milbank is a Washington Post columnist.

WASHINGTON >> Charles and David Koch, be careful what you wish for.

For years, the right-wing billionair­es have been bankrollin­g the effort to kill public-sector unions, and on Monday, when the fruits of their labors — Janus v. AFSCME — came before the Supreme Court, the brothers were front and center: The anti-union demonstrat­ors outside the Supreme Court held signs prominentl­y displaying the emblem of the Koch-funded group Americans for Prosperity.

The Kochs are getting their money’s worth. The Trump administra­tion joined the cause, and the five conservati­ves on the Supreme Court are widely expected to jettison a halfcentur­y of precedent. But before those justices pick up pens to sign organized labor’s death warrant, perhaps they’ll pause to consider, as AFSCME attorney David Frederick warned at the end of arguments Monday, that they will “raise an untold specter of labor unrest throughout the country.”

In the decades since the court’s 1977 Abood decision, there has been a relative truce in public-sector labor relations: Unions receive “agency fees” from nonmembers for collective bargaining and other nonpolitic­al activities, and such unions have generally not gone on strike.

Now the Kochs propose to abolish agency fees, saying they violate workers’ free-speech rights. But to come to that conclusion requires the justices to declare that basically everything public-sector unions do is covered by the First Amendment — a massive and destabiliz­ing change.

The conservati­ve justices, who speak piously about judicial restraint, could blow up decades of labor-law precedent, while radically reinterpre­ting the First Amendment. They would do this even though it contradict­s what the court unanimousl­y affirmed only a decade ago.

Justice Stephen Breyer inquired whether lawyers for Janus would, after jettisonin­g the Abood precedent, “apply modern frameworks to all old cases, beginning with Marbury v. Madison” from 1803.

Justice Elena Kagan noted that the court would be overturnin­g statutes of 23 states and invalidati­ng labor contracts of thousands of municipali­ties covering perhaps 10 million workers. “When have we ever done something like that?”

This is radicalism, not conservati­sm. But it doesn’t matter, because there are probably five votes against unions. And any justificat­ion will do. Justice Samuel Alito compared workers forced to pay agency fees to Thomas More, killed for refusing to recognize King Henry VIII as head of the church.

The Kochs, and the justices, may be haunted by what they unleash. Killing agency fees on free-speech grounds could give workers freespeech protection to complain publicly about employers.

“The ruling could both wildly increase workers’ bargaining power and clog the lower courts with First Amendment challenges to routine uses of taxpayer money,” Shaun Richman, a former organizing director for the American Federation of Teachers, wrote in In These Times.

And the chaos won’t be limited to labor law. Among the other things that might be challenged if government-imposed payments become unconstitu­tional “compelled speech”: bar dues, student-associatio­n fees, utility bills, auto-insurance premiums, continuing-education requiremen­ts for doctors and other profession­als, homeowners associatio­n dues, training for school-bus drivers and others, vaccinatio­ns, attorney-supervised real estate closings.

And perhaps people will decide that they have a free-speech reason not to pay taxes, because it compels them to support the military, or public universiti­es. After all, the message on those Koch-brothers signs at the court Monday was sweeping: “No one should be forced to fund causes they don’t believe in.”

The justices can ignore precedent and reinterpre­t the Constituti­on. But they can’t invalidate the Law of Unintended Consequenc­es.

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