The Mercury News

Uber IPO should be a moral stain on Silicon Valley

- By Farhad Manjoo Farhad Manjoo is a New York Times columnist.

In 2010, I received an email from an ecstatic employee at a startup called UberCab. “What our tiny company is doing for San Francisco right now is huge,” he told me. The employee’s joy was contagious. Back then, as a naive, baby tech pundit, I was prone to spinning out elaborate visions of tech-abetted progress, and the more I learned about UberCab’s bold idea, the more deeply I swooned.

Car ownership is a financial and environmen­tal blight. Cars are one of the most expensive products we buy, but they barely get any use (most cars spend most of the day parked). UberCab — which shortened its name to Uber — was using technology to push a radical new urban vision, and it quickly became a poster child for Silicon Valley’s messianic vision. Allowing strangers to share their cars sounded crazy, but if it took off, Uber might reduce the need for car ownership and increase the utilizatio­n of each car. It could make transporta­tion cheaper and far more environmen­tally friendly, and it might create sustainabl­e jobs for many drivers.

Dumbly, I once bought into this vision. Here was a company that could credibly claim to be changing the world. It might unpave paradise and tear down the parking lots.

Boy, was I a dope. Nearly a decade later, as Uber begins pitching its business to Wall Street in advance of an initial public offering that could value the company at $100 billion, I’m sickened and saddened by my naiveté.

In the years since, Uber skirted laws and cut corners to trample over regulators and competitor­s. And it pushed a frightenin­g new picture of labor — one in which everyone is a contractor, toiling without protection, our hours and our lives ruled by uncaring algorithms in the cloud.

Uber will turn a handful of people into millionair­es and billionair­es. But the gains for everyone else — for drivers, for the environmen­t, for the world — remain in doubt. If Uber is really the best that Silicon Valley can do, America desperatel­y needs to find a better way to fund groundbrea­king new ideas.

Today’s Uber is more responsibl­e than yesterday’s: Travis Kalanick, Uber’s onetime Night King, was ousted as chief executive in 2017, and Dara Khosrowsha­hi, its new chief, has led a thorough rehabilita­tion. Yet Uber’s early insiders paid no real price for their sins. Kalanick’s stake will be worth nearly $9 billion. Tech giants — including Apple, Google and Jeff Bezos, who all acquired significan­t stakes in Uber — will make a killing. Saudi Arabian petromonar­chs will too.

Not Uber’s drivers. Uber drivers make poverty wages — about $10 an hour after their vehicle expenses are deducted from their pay. Drivers’ fortunes might only worsen after the company goes public. Uber lost nearly $2 billion in 2018, and the best long-term hope for Uber’s business is that drivers disappear altogether, replaced by cars that drive themselves.

The environmen­tal gains have also yet to materializ­e. Vehicle ownership has gone up in cities where Uber and Lyft are popular. Car services might also be prompting wealthier people to ditch public transit, thus reducing political support for it.

It didn’t have to be this way. A different, better Uber could have employed drivers and paid them a living wage.

But Uber felt little cultural pressure to divvy up its gains more equitably. The worse it behaved, the more money investors poured into it.

And who can blame Uber? The Uber IPO should be regarded as a moral stain on Silicon Valley. But that won’t happen. Soon the opening bell will ring and a few new billionair­es will roam the earth. All will be forgotten and forgiven — and Silicon Valley will move on to the next big idea to be squandered.

 ?? JUSTIN SULLIVAN — GETTY IMAGES ?? Uber has skirted laws and cut corners to trample over regulators and competitor­s. And it has pushed a frightenin­g new picture of labor.
JUSTIN SULLIVAN — GETTY IMAGES Uber has skirted laws and cut corners to trample over regulators and competitor­s. And it has pushed a frightenin­g new picture of labor.

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