The Mercury News

How needed police reform legislatio­n was quietly killed Incumbent protection

- George Skelton is a Los Angeles Times columnist. By George Skelton

It wasn’t good government. But it was probably good politics.

A major police reform bill was quietly killed by the Assembly speaker without a house vote on the last night of the legislativ­e session. He used an ages-old tactic aimed at sparing politicall­y vulnerable lawmakers from casting a perilous vote.

Call it incumbent protection. The bill would have assured that when a bad cop’s badge is yanked by a police department, he can’t hook on with another law enforcemen­t agency anywhere in California. The measure also would have made it easier for citizens to file civil lawsuits against rogue officers.

There was broad public support for the measure — but heavy opposition from officers’ unions, police chiefs and sheriffs.

So, it wound up the way these things often do: The legislativ­e leader punted.

Just how big a role should politics play in policymaki­ng? There’s no pat answer. But politics and public policy are intertwine­d.

Here’s what often happens: A bill generates hefty combat. Perhaps the public overwhelmi­ngly supports the measure. But powerful interests are adamantly opposed.

It’s a no-win dilemma for lawmakers running for reelection in competitiv­e races. Voters could turn against an incumbent who sides with the interests. But if the lawmaker votes against the interests, he could suffer their wrath. Campaign contributi­ons could be cut off and given to an opponent.

If a bill probably isn’t going to survive a house vote anyway, maybe the wisest move is to pull it off the floor. Avoid the agony of taking a public position in a likely losing cause.

That’s a well-worn page from the legislator­s’ traditiona­l political playbook.

The police reform bill, Senate Bill 731 by Sen. Steven Bradford, D-Gardena, was a textbook example on the legislativ­e session’s final night, Aug. 31.

Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon, D-Lakewood, concluded the bill didn’t have nearly enough votes to pass his house — it needed a simple majority, 41 — and removed it from considerat­ion.

“It didn’t have the votes — wasn’t even close,” Rendon told me. “I was going to vote for it, but for many it was a tough vote.”

But aren’t legislator­s paid to cast tough votes? If a bill reaches the floor, shouldn’t it be entitled to a vote?

Bradford certainly thinks so. “You wouldn’t know whether it had the votes if you’re not willing to take up the bill,” Bradford said. “It’s not uncommon to take up a bill before you have 41 votes. A lot of members might want to hear the floor debate on a controvers­ial bill.”

It’s a fact, however, that debates — no matter how lengthy and passionate — rarely add significan­tly to vote totals. Occasional­ly they do. But Bradford would have needed to pick up a bunch of votes — up to 10.

“Did we have 41 identified votes? No,” Bradford said. “But we had potential leanings. We could have worked the floor and gotten 41 votes.”

Well, that was another problem. Because of COVID-19 rules, the senator could not have worked the Assembly floor. Legislator­s weren’t allowed in the other house’s chamber. That made legislatin­g difficult.

But the biggest obstacle for Bradford’s bill: “The police unions were very effective at putting a lot of fear into members,” he said.

As for lawmakers taking tough votes, Bradford asserts: “That’s why we run for this office. We come here to do meaningful legislatio­n, not nibble around the edges. Meaningful legislatio­n is always a tough vote.

“A bill should live and die on its own merits . ... We would know who our friends are, the people who are willing to stick their necks out.”

I called Darry Sragow, a veteran political consultant who once was the chief Democratic strategist for Assembly election campaigns. Now he publishes the California Target Book, which handicaps legislativ­e and congressio­nal races.

What does he think of legislativ­e leaders ducking risky votes on bills likely to lose anyway?

“There’s no right and there’s no wrong,” Sragow said. “The fundamenta­l justificat­ion for insulating incumbents in competitiv­e reelection races from difficult votes is that — it’s a cliché, but it’s true — you may not win every battle, but you’ve got to win the war.

“The job of the leader is to balance those conflictin­g arguments — pressing for a policy change because it’s the right thing to do versus saving the fight for a different day.”

In America, politics is inseparabl­e from the policymaki­ng of politician­s.

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