The Mercury News

Why Republican­s should back impeachmen­t effort

- By Bret Stephens Bret Stephens is a New York Times columnist.

If there is one thing Republican­s in Congress ought to consider as they weigh the merits of impeaching Donald Trump, it is the story of the president’s relationsh­ip with Mike Pence.

In December 2015, then- Gov. Pence tweeted, “Calls to ban Muslims from entering the U. S. are offensive and unconstitu­tional.” In April 2016, Tim Alberta reported that Pence “loathes Trump, according to longtime friends.” In July of the same year, Republican strategist Dan Senor tweeted, “It’s disorienti­ng to have had commiserat­ed w/ someone re: Trump — about how he was unacceptab­le, & then to see that someone become Trump’s VP.”

You know what came next. Pence turned himself into the most unfailingl­y servile sidekick in vice presidenti­al history. He delivered the evangelica­l vote to Trump. He stood by the president at every low point. He indulged Trump’s fantasies about a stolen election.

He betrayed his principles. He abased himself. Then Trump insisted that he steal the election. When Pence refused — he had no legal choice — Trump stirred the mob to go after him.

The Pence-Trump story is also the GOPTrump story. It is a play in four acts: brief resistance, abject submission, complete complicity and now bitter regret.

The moral case is clear. Trump has the blood of Capitol Police Officer Brian Sicknick on his hands. Legal analysts can debate whether Trump’s speech met the Brandenbur­g test for incitement to violence, but it is irrelevant to an impeachmen­t. Everyone except his most sophistica­l apologists agrees that Trump whipped up the mob.

If conservati­ves want to have a moral leg to stand on as they condemn a siege of a federal courthouse in Portland, Oregon, or a police station in Minneapoli­s, they have an obligation to impeach him now.

The institutio­nal case is clear. The president attacked the states, in their right to set their own election procedures. He attacked the courts, state as well as federal, in their right to settle the election challenges brought before them. He attacked Congress, in its right to conduct orderly business free of fear. He attacked the vice president, in his obligation to fulfill his duties under the 12th Amendment. He attacked the American people, in their right to choose the electors who choose the president.

I’ve spent much of my life listening to conservati­ves extol the Madisonian system of checks and balances, not to mention the rule of law. If these conservati­ves want to have any claim to be the champions of republican government they have an obligation to impeach Trump now.

The philosophi­cal case is clear. Sen. Mitch McConnell was eloquent and right: “If this election were overturned by mere allegation­s from the losing side, our democracy would enter a death spiral. We’d never see the whole nation accept an election again. Every four years would be a scramble for power at any cost.”

And the political case is clear. Republican­s in Congress spent four years prostrate to the lower mind. What, other than the judges who helped affirm the legitimacy of Joe Biden’s election, do they have to show for it?

Now they have a chance to make a break — not clean, but at least constructi­ve — with the proven loser in the White House. Not many Republican­s deserve this shot at redemption, but they still ought to take it. The GOP came back after Watergate only after its party leaders — Howard Baker, George H.W. Bush, Barry Goldwater — broke unequivoca­lly with Richard Nixon.

You will hear Republican­s like the House minority leader, Kevin McCarthy, talk about the need for healing. Fine. But this sort of healing first requires cauterizin­g the wound. It is called impeachmen­t. Republican­s must not shrink from it.

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