The Mercury News

Yes, Biden is governing as a progressiv­e voice

- By Doyle McManus Doyle McManus is a Los Angeles Times columnist. ©2021 Los Angeles Times. Distribute­d by Tribune Content Agency.

President Joe Biden’s Republican critics charge that he has foisted a “bait and switch” on voters — he campaigned as a moderate but veered abruptly to the left after he arrived at the White House.

“The bait was he was going to govern as bipartisan, but the switch is he’s governed as a socialist,” House GOP leader Kevin McCarthy of California complained last month.

“He talks like a moderate but is governing to satisfy the far left,” Senate Republican chief Mitch McConnell of Kentucky chimed in.

They’re right on one count: Biden is pushing an ambitious progressiv­e program while making it sound, well, moderate.

Biden never concealed his big-government goals; they were all in plain sight in his platform.

Candidate Biden called for more than $4 trillion in new federal spending, beginning with an immediate stimulus to help the economy recover from the COVID-19 pandemic. It included massive proposals to combat climate change, rebuild infrastruc­ture, reduce poverty, subsidize child care and provide universal pre-K education.

Those resurfaced in Biden’s proposals this year: his $1.9 trillion COVID-19 relief bill, his $2 trillionpl­us jobs plan and his $1.8 trillion family policy plan.

McCarthy and McConnell may have been too busy to read up on their opponent’s long and detailed program.

But surely they noticed when former President Barack Obama released a video praising Biden for “the most progressiv­e platform of any major party nominee in history.” Or when Biden, in his last big campaign speech, compared his program to Franklin D. Roosevelt’s New Deal.

“None of this should have come as a surprise,” Greg Schultz, Biden’s campaign manager during last year’s primary season, told me.

McCarthy and McConnell weren’t the only ones who underestim­ated Biden’s commitment­s.

After all, during the primaries Biden had presented himself as a moderate, pragmatic alternativ­e to Sen. Bernie Sanders of Vermont.

Biden’s rivals chastised him for centrist positions he took decades ago: his 1970s opposition to mandatory busing to desegregat­e schools, his 1994 vote for then-President Bill Clinton’s punitive crime bill. Those ancient controvers­ies made him sound like an out-of-touch relic.

But they were forgetting one of Biden’s most striking features: his adaptabili­ty. Biden has always positioned himself at his party’s center.

The Biden of 2008 who ran as Obama’s running mate was more progressiv­e than the Biden of 1994 who voted for Clinton’s crime bill. The Biden of 2012 who declared himself a fan of same-sex marriage was more progressiv­e than the Biden of 2008.

When he pondered entering the 2016 presidenti­al race, he intended to run to Hillary Clinton’s left and Bernie Sanders’ right — a classic Biden gambit.

“Biden for President was going to go big,” Biden wrote of the plans for that never-launched campaign in his 2017 memoir. “A $15 minimum wage. Free tuition at our public colleges and universiti­es. Real job training. On-site affordable child care. Equal pay for women. Strengthen­ing the Affordable Care Act. A job creation program built on investing in and modernizin­g our roads and bridges. … We needed what I called an American Renewal Project.”

Sound familiar?

By the time Biden ran in 2020, two things happened to push him even further.

One was the COVID-19 pandemic, which made it clear to both parties that big spending would be needed to rescue the economy. After Republican leaders, including thenPresid­ent Donald Trump, approved more than $3.8 trillion in coronaviru­s relief last year, GOP complaints about big-money requests from the new president sounded hollow.

The second was Democrats’ unexpected capture of 50 seats in the Senate, which meant the new president could pass much of his program without Republican votes. Yes, Biden had promised to seek bipartisan compromise­s — but now he no longer had to worry about obstructio­nist Republican­s whose only goal was to stop his program in its tracks.

And that — not spurious charges of a “bait and switch” on policy — is probably what makes Mitch McConnell so grouchy.

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