The Mercury News

Trump poses a quandary for state GOP candidates

- By Mark Z. Barabak Mark Z. Barabak is a Los Angeles Times columnist. ©2021 Los Angeles Times. Distribute­d by Tribune Content Agency.

How do you solve a problem like The Donald?

The caterwauli­ng expresiden­t poses a vexing riddle for Republican candidates. Trump loyalists stick like epoxy to the former chief executive and are seen, rightly or not, as indispensa­ble to the hopes of anyone running under the GOP banner.

Fail to excite the Trump faithful, the thinking goes, and they’ll skip voting. Antagonize them and the wrath of MAGA warriors will rain like hellfire from Mar-a-Lago.

At the same time, a great many Republican­s are disgusted with Trump and his self-dealing presidency, not to mention his continuing assault on the country’s foundation­al pillars.

The defection of GOP apostates helped Democrats win control of the House in 2018 and put Joe Biden in the White House in 2020.

So what’s a deeply principled, or nakedly ambitious, Republican to do?

It’s a quandary that is particular­ly acute in California.

On one side is Caitlyn Jenner, whose candidacy seems mostly about mainlining publicity, her drug of choice, and profiting off the attempted recall of Gov. Gavin Newsom. She has been coached by members of Team Trump.

On the other end of the spectrum is Sacramento County District Attorney Anne Marie Schubert, who is running for state attorney general. She quit the GOP in 2018 and changed her registrati­on to “no party preference” — not due to Trump, Schubert said, but because she has views “on both sides of the aisle.”

Somewhere in the middle sit Lanhee Chen, a Stanford professor who this week announced his candidacy for state controller, and Kevin Faulconer, the former San Diego mayor running to replace Newsom.

Chen has never been a rabid Never Trumper. But the former adviser to presidenti­al hopefuls Mitt Romney and Marco Rubio is firmly rooted in the Republican establishm­ent.

Chen refuses to say whether he voted for Trump, a statement that is unlikely to please either side and shows no obvious willingnes­s to make tough calls regardless of consequenc­e. Chen said he prefers to look forward and not backward, which is a good thing when driving but difficult if not impossible to manage running for political office.

In an interview with the Los Angeles Times’ Seema Mehta, Chen did allow as how Trump “was certainly a part of what we saw” on the day of the Jan. 6 assault on the Capitol and that remarks such as calling COVID-19 the “kung flu” — one of several bigoted statements Trump made about the pandemic — helped fuel the rise in anti-Asian sentiments.

Even those carefully couched and obviously true statements may disqualify Chen in the eyes of some Trump loyalists.

More curious, and contorted, is the stance Faulconer has taken.

In 2016, San Diego’s mayor said he “could never vote for Trump.”

“His divisive rhetoric is unacceptab­le,” he said, “and I just could never support him.”

But he did in 2020, after four years of Trump’s mishandlin­g of the pandemic, which tanked the economy and politicize­d the coronaviru­s to a point where basic safety measures like wearing a mask and getting vaccinated became fuel for partisan conflict.

Faulconer’s campaign has been a model of trying to have things both ways.

One day he’s campaignin­g at Rep. Devin Nunes’ “Freedom Fest” on a program starring several Trump acolytes — some of whom downplayed the Jan. 6 attack or even called it a hoax. On another, Faulconer is sidesteppi­ng questions about his vote for the former president by suggesting it’s irrelevant to his candidacy.

California voters “don’t want a debate on national politics,” he told KQED radio, as if Faulconer’s views on what it takes to lead the country are entirely divorced from his judgment, values and beliefs.

What will voters think of a candidate’s support or opposition to Trump? That will become clearer once they cast their ballots in the recall or, in Chen’s case, the June 2022 primary.

“We know it mattered a lot in 2020,” said Dan Schnur, a veteran campaign strategist who teaches political communicat­ions at USC and UC Berkeley. “We know it won’t matter at all in 2050.

“What we don’t know,” he added quite rightly, “is at what point in between it stops mattering.”

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