The Mercury News

California Democrats are testing social democracy

- By Dan Walters Dan Walters is a CalMatters columnist.

California, as everyone should know by now, has the nation’s highest rate of poverty as determined by the Census Bureau when the cost-of-living is included in the calculatio­n.

While family incomes in California are not particular­ly low vis-à-vis those in other states, our extremely high living costs, especially for housing, mean those incomes do not stretch as far as they would elsewhere.

The Public Policy Institute of California takes the issue a bit further by calculatin­g how many California­ns are living in near-poverty, using methodolog­y similar to that of the Census Bureau.

Altogether, more than a third of the state’s nearly 40 million residents experience severe economic distress. They are, for the most part, workers in lowpay jobs and their families, and their plight has been exacerbate­d by the nearly two-year-long COVID-19 pandemic, which has hit them the hardest both medically and economical­ly.

Backed by unions, Gov. Gavin Newsom and his fellow Democrats have vowed to reduce the state’s high levels of poverty and income disparity and this year generated a bushel basket of legislatio­n they contend will narrow the gaps.

California is, in effect, testing long-held beliefs of those on the political left that America should move closer to the European model of “social democracy” by expanding supportive public services and empowering workers in their dealings with employers.

The former include increasing eligibilit­y for Medi-Cal, the state’s health care system for the poor which already covers more than a third of California’s residents, expanding early childhood education to both improve learning outcomes and free more parents to work, and increasing spending on housing for low- and moderate-income families.

The latter is a variety of bills that impose new workplace and compensati­on standards on industries that employ large numbers of low-paid workers, most notably garment production, agricultur­e and the ever-increasing distributi­on centers operated by Amazon and other big corporatio­ns.

“We cannot allow corporatio­ns to put profit over people,” Newsom said as he signed legislatio­n to ease production quotas in Amazon’s massive “fulfillmen­t centers.”

“The hardworkin­g warehouse employees who have helped sustain us during these unpreceden­ted times should not have to risk injury or face punishment as a result of exploitati­ve quotas that violate basic health and safety,” Newsom added.

“California is holding corporatio­ns accountabl­e and recognizin­g the dignity and humanity of our workers, who have helped build the fifth-largest economy in the world,” Newsom said later as he signed a bill banning piecework pay in the Los Angeles-centered garment industry.

Newsom also signed bills to expand protection­s for household domestic workers, raise minimum pay for disabled workers, increase criminal penalties for “wage theft” by employers, and provide farmworker­s with protective gear for wildfire smoke.

It has not been, however, a 100% sweep for union-backed legislatio­n. Newsom vetoed a bill to allow mail ballots in elections for union organizati­on of farmworker­s and another that would have expanded paid family leave.

Expanding government services will, of course, cost the state billions of dollars, which it can afford now as income taxes pour into its treasury, but whether it can be sustained is questionab­le. California is inordinate­ly dependent on high-income taxpayers, which means its revenues plummet during economic downturns.

New benefits for workers, meanwhile, will increase employers’ costs, which could drive some to shift operations and jobs to lower-cost locales. The garment industry is particular­ly competitiv­e, which is why so much of it has already gone overseas.

Higher public and private costs are the flip side of California’s experiment in social democracy. Ultimately, Newsom and the Legislatur­e cannot repeal the laws of economics.

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