The Mercury News

Democrats are in need of positive moral image

- By David Brooks David Brooks is a New York Times columnist.

One of the Democratic Party’s core problems is that it still regards itself mainly as the party of the underdog. But as the informatio­n-age economy has matured, the Democratic Party also has become the party of the elite, especially on the cultural front.

Democrats dominate society’s culture generators: the elite universiti­es, the elite media, the entertainm­ent industry, the big tech companies, the thriving elite places like Manhattan, San Francisco and Los Angeles.

In 2020, Joe Biden won roughly one-sixth of the nation’s counties, but together those counties generate roughly 71% of the nation’s GDP.

As the Democrats have become more culturally and economical­ly dominant, many people at tippytop private schools and super-expensive colleges have flamboyant­ly associated themselves with the oppressed. Thankfully, that has moved society to more aggressive­ly pursue social and racial justice. Unfortunat­ely, a tacit ideology — sometimes called wokeness — has been grafted on to this pursuit.

It includes the notions that society is essentiall­y a zone of conflict between oppressor and oppressed groups, that a person’s identity is predominan­tly about group identity and that slavery is the defining fact of American history.

Because they dominate the cultural commanding heights, including some department­s of education and the largest teachers unions, progressiv­e views permeate schools, museums, movies and increasing­ly the public stances of large corporatio­ns.

The Republican Party, like many right-populist parties across the Western world, has become a giant vessel of resistance against cultural, urban and informatio­n-age elites. Glenn Youngkin, the Republican who was just elected governor of Virginia, expressed that resistance when he said, “I believe parents should be in charge of their kids’ education.”

When Democrats seem to be magnifying the education establishm­ent’s control of the classroom and minimizing the role of parents, there’s going to be a reaction. Some of the reaction is pure racism, but a lot of it is pushback against elite domination and the tacit ideology.

The results of Tuesday’s elections show again that resistance against the elites can be a powerful force propelling Republican­s to victory. In the final weeks leading up to Youngkin’s victory, education became one of the top issues for Virginia voters.

The results also put the Donald Trump phenomenon in a new perspectiv­e. Trump was necessary to smash the old GOP and to turn the party into a vanguard of antielite resistance. But by 2020, with his moral degradatio­n and all the rest, he was also holding back Republican­s. If Republican­s can find candidates who oppose the blue oligarchy but without too much Trumpian baggage, they can win over some former Biden voters in places like Virginia and New Jersey.

Democrats would be wise to accept the fact that they have immense social and cultural power and accept the responsibi­lities that entails by adopting what I’d call a Whole Nation Progressiv­ism.

America is ferociousl­y divided on economic, regional, racial and creedal lines. The job of leaders is to stand above these divides and seek to heal them. The job of leaders is not to impose their values on everyone else; it is to defend a pluralisti­c order in which different communitie­s can work out their own values.

From FDR and LBJ on down, Democrats have been good at healing economic divides. The watereddow­n spending bill struggling its way through Congress would be an important step to redistribu­te resources to people and places that have been left behind.

But Democrats are not good at thinking about culture, even though cultural issues drive our politics. You can’t win a culture war by raising the minimum wage. In fact, if politics are going to be all culture war — as Republican­s have tried to make them — I suspect Democrats can’t win it at all.

Democrats need a positive moral vision that would start by rejecting the idea that we are locked into incessant conflict along class, cultural, racial and ideologica­l lines. It would reject all the appurtenan­ces of the culture warrior pose — the us/them thinking, exaggerati­ng the malevolenc­e of the other half of the country, relying on crude essentiali­st stereotype­s to categorize yourself and others.

It would instead offer a vision of unity, unity, unity. That unity is based on a recognitio­n of the complex humanity of each person — that each person is in the act of creating a meaningful life. It would reject racism, the ultimate dehumanizi­ng force, but also reject any act that seeks to control the marketplac­e of ideas or intimidate those with opposing views. It would reject ideas and movements that seek to reduce complex humans to their group identities. It would stand for racial, economic and ideologica­l integratio­n, and against separatism, criticizin­g, for example, the way conservati­ves are often shut out from elite cultural institutio­ns.

Democrats will be outvoted if they are seen to be standing with elite culture warriors against mass culture warriors or imposing the values of metropolit­an centers. On the cultural front especially, they have to be seen as champions of the whole nation.

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