The Mercury News

California still gerrymande­rs — but not the old, ugly way

- By George Skelton George Skelton is a Los Angeles Times columnist. © 2021 Los Angeles Times. Distribute­d by Tribune Content Agency.

Gerrymande­ring was supposed to be cured by redistrict­ing reform. No chance. It’s still alive and well in California.

That was evident in the justcomple­ted once-a-decade redrawing of California congressio­nal and legislativ­e districts.

But the latest gerrymande­ring wasn’t about crafting weirdly shaped districts to benefit the political party in power.

The goal of this year’s gerrymande­ring was to help Latino, Asian American and Black candidates win seats. And it resulted in some very oddly shaped districts.

Actually, that was called for under federal law — the 1965 Voting Rights Act.

“Minority communitie­s need to be taken into account so they have voting power and an equal opportunit­y to elect a representa­tive of their choice,” I was told by Fredy Ceja, spokesman for the independen­t Citizens Redistrict­ing Commission.

The 14-member commission had a legal obligation to try to preserve, if not increase, districts that Latino, Asian American and Black candidates could win.

It did, particular­ly for Latino candidates. It drew 16 U.S. House districts — out of 52 — where a majority of voting-age citizens are Latino. That’s up from nine currently, according to the California Target Book.

The downside is that some cities and towns got rooked. They were carved into two or more districts, robbing them of their own, dedicated representa­tive in Congress.

San Jose, for example, was split into four districts in order to maximize the number of Latino voters in some seats. Democratic Rep. Zoe Lofgren’s San Jose district was expanded 60 miles south into Salinas to pick up Latino voters. It will go from 31% Latino to 51%.

San Jose Mayor Sam Liccardo fought the fracturing of congressio­nal representa­tion, contending it would “sacrifice the interests of 1 million San Joseans.”

That occurred in several areas of the state. Fresno was fractured in thirds. Long Beach was split in two.

“Arms of districts were going out in all directions in order to separate Latinos and Whites,” says Tony Quinn, a redistrict­ing expert who was the Republican consultant on legislativ­e remapping. “Community after community was torn to pieces in order to achieve ethnic districts.”

And, “when you see lines going in all kinds of crazy directions, that’s gerrymande­ring.” Quinn says. “This wasn’t a political gerrymande­r. It was an ethnic and racial gerrymande­r.”

He doesn’t think it was required under the Voting Rights Act because California’s electorate is very diverse and has been electing lots of Latino politician­s and other candidates of color.

Paul Mitchell, who has advised Democrats on redistrict­ing across the country, agrees that many “cities got short shrift” in California. But he points out their priority is outranked by the Voting Rights Act.

“Tony (Quinn) has a point,” Mitchell says. “Districts were created at the expense of cities.

I’m not going to dispute that. But laws take preference. Voting rights are a criteria second only to creating districts of equal population.”

He adds that at least “it was not partisan politics. The process was clean.”

And that was the purpose of redistrict­ing reform adopted by voters in 2008. The old gerrymande­ring had a very bad stench and is still practiced in many states.

The old gerrymande­ring was an ugly system with politician­s choosing their voters, instead of vice versa. Voters finally got sick of it.

“No matter how redistrict­ing is done, there’s going to be a fight,” says Target Book publisher Darry Sragow, a former Democratic political consultant.

“The old-fashioned way was behind closed doors in what used to be smoke-filled rooms. The new way is transparen­t for everyone to see what’s going on. I’m fine with that.”

State Sen. Bob Hertzberg, DVan Nuys, who as Assembly speaker helped lead the 2001 redistrict­ing by the Legislatur­e, says: “A lot of people are complainin­g about this commission. But one of its most important purposes is to instill public confidence. People need to have confidence in government. And one thing that hurts public confidence is gerrymande­ring.”

Agreed. But gerrymande­ring is still a redistrict­ing tool — just for a different purpose.

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