The Mercury News

Three most likely scenarios for ending the Ukraine war

- By Thomas Friedman Thomas Friedman is a New York Times columnist.

The battle for Ukraine unfolding before our eyes has the potential to be the most transforma­tional event in Europe since World War II and the most dangerous confrontat­ion for the world since the Cuban missile crisis. I see three possible scenarios for how this story ends. I call them “the fullblown disaster,” “the dirty compromise” and “salvation.”

The disaster scenario is now underway: Unless Vladimir Putin has a change of heart or can be deterred by the West, he appears willing to kill as many people as necessary and destroy as much of Ukraine's infrastruc­ture as necessary to erase Ukraine as a free independen­t state and culture and wipe out its leadership. This scenario could lead to war crimes the scale of which has not been seen in Europe since the Nazis — crimes that would make Putin, his cronies and Russia as a country all global pariahs.

The wired, globalized world has never had to deal with a leader accused of this level of war crimes whose country has a landmass spanning 11 time zones, is one of the world's largest oil and gas providers and possesses the biggest arsenal of nuclear warheads of any nation.

Every day that Putin refuses to stop we get closer to the gates of hell. But to intervene risks igniting the first war in the heart of Europe involving nuclear weapons. And to let Putin reduce Kyiv to rubble, with thousands of dead — the way he conquered Aleppo and Grozny — would allow him to create a European Afghanista­n, spilling out refugees and chaos.

Putin doesn't have the ability to install a puppet leader in Ukraine and just leave him there: A puppet would face a permanent insurrecti­on. So, Russia needs to permanentl­y station tens of thousands of troops in Ukraine to control it — and Ukrainians will be shooting at them every day. It is terrifying how little Putin has thought about how his war ends.

I wish Putin was just motivated by a desire to keep Ukraine out of NATO; his appetite has grown far beyond that. As Fiona Hill, one of America's premier Russia experts, said in an interview published on Monday by Politico, he believes that there is something called “Russky Mir,” or a “Russian World”; that Ukrainians and Russians are “one people”; and that it is his mission to engineer “regatherin­g all the Russian-speakers in different places that belonged at some point to the Russian tsardom.”

And if the U.S. and its allies attempt to get in Putin's way, he is signaling that he is ready to out-crazy us. Or, as Putin warned the other day before putting his nuclear force on high alert, anyone who gets in his way should be ready to face “consequenc­es they have never seen” before. Add to all this the mounting reports questionin­g Putin's state of mind and you have a terrifying cocktail.

The second scenario is that somehow the Ukrainian military and people are able to hold out long enough against the Russian blitzkrieg, and that the economic sanctions start deeply wounding Putin's economy, so that both sides feel compelled to accept a dirty compromise. This scenario remains unlikely because it would require Putin to basically admit that he was unable to achieve his vision of reabsorbin­g Ukraine into the Russian motherland. It would also require everyone to ignore the lesson already learned that Putin can't be trusted to leave Ukraine alone.

Finally, the least likely scenario but the one that could have the best outcome is that the Russian people demonstrat­e as much bravery and commitment to their own freedom as the Ukrainian people have shown to theirs, and deliver salvation by ousting Putin from office.

Many Russians must be starting to worry that as long as Putin is their present and future leader, they have no future. Thousands are taking to the streets and a mass movement could eventually end Putin's reign.

I hope that at this very moment there are some very senior Russian intelligen­ce and military officials, close to Putin, who are meeting in some closet in the Kremlin and saying out loud what they all must be thinking:

Either they collaborat­e to oust Putin or they will all share his isolation cell. The same for the larger Russian public. I realize that this last scenario is the most unlikely of them all, but it is the one that holds the most promise of achieving the dream that we dreamed when the Berlin Wall fell in 1989 — a Europe whole and free, from the British Isles to Vladivosto­k.

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