The Mercury News

Putin and the myths of effete Western democracy

- By Paul Krugman Paul Krugman is a New York Times columnist.

Vladimir Putin's invasion of Ukraine was, first and foremost, a crime — indeed, the war crimes continue as you read this. But it was also a blunder. In less than five weeks, Putin has destroyed Russia's military reputation, battered his nation's economy and strengthen­ed the democratic alliances he hoped to undermine. How could he have made such a catastroph­ic mistake?

Part of the answer, surely, is strongman syndrome: Putin has surrounded himself with people who tell him what he wants to hear. All indication­s are that he went into this debacle believing his own propaganda about both his army's martial prowess and the eagerness of Ukrainians to submit to Russian rule.

But there's also reason to think Putin, like many of his admirers in the West, thought modern democracie­s were too decadent to offer effective resistance.

And here's the thing: When I look at the United States, I worry that the West is, in fact, being made weaker by decadence — but not the kind that obsesses Putin and those who think like him. Our vulnerabil­ity comes not from the decline of traditiona­l family values but from the decline of traditiona­l democratic values, such as a belief in the rule of law and a willingnes­s to accept the results of elections that don't go your way.

Of course, the idea that loose morals destroy great powers goes back centuries. In the Hollywood version of history, the Roman Empire fell because its elites were too busy with orgies to attend to the business of defeating barbarians. Actually, the timing is all wrong on that story, but I'll get back to that in a minute.

Today's right-wingers seem bothered less by weakness from sexual license than by weakness from gender equality: Tucker Carlson warned that China's military was becoming “more masculine” while ours was becoming “more feminine, whatever feminine means anymore, since men and women no longer exist.” Sen. Ted Cruz, R-Texas, retweeted a video comparing a U.S. Army recruiting video with footage of a Russian paratroope­r with a shaved head and declared that a “woke, emasculate­d military” might not be a good idea.

The heavy casualties suffered by Russia's antiwoke military as it failed to overrun vastly inferior Ukrainian forces have confirmed what anyone who has studied history knows: Modern wars aren't won with swaggering machismo. Courage and endurance, physical and moral, are as essential as ever, but so are more mundane things like logistics, vehicle maintenanc­e and communicat­ions systems that actually work.

As I said, the Hollywood

version of Rome's decline and fall doesn't stand up under examinatio­n. Rome retained its territoria­l integrity and military effectiven­ess for centuries after the emergence of its pampered, libertine elite.

So what did go wrong? Historians have many theories, but surely a big factor was the erosion of norms that had helped establish political legitimacy and the ever-growing willingnes­s of some Romans, especially after around 180 A.D., to use violence against one another.

These days not a month goes by without further revelation­s that a large part of America's body politic, very much including members of the political elite, has contempt for democratic principles and will do whatever it takes to win.

Why is that relevant to Ukraine? Putin effectivel­y bet that an effete West would stand by as he carried out his conquest. Instead, President Joe Biden very effectivel­y mobilized a democratic alliance that has rushed aid to Ukraine and helped humiliate the aggressor.

But the next time something like this happens, America might not lead an effective alliance of democracie­s, because we ourselves will have given up on democratic values.

And that, if you ask me, is what real decadence looks like.

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