The Mercury News

As the years go by, gun violence in United States getting worse

- By Mark Z. Barabak Mark Z. Barabak is a Los Angeles Times columnist. © 2023 Los Angeles Times. Distribute­d by Tribune Content Agency.

On a sunny July afternoon, James Oliver Huberty drove his black Mercury Marquis to a McDonald's restaurant in San Ysidro, near the border with Mexico, bearing a small arsenal and hundreds of rounds of ammunition.

He opened fire on cooks and counter workers, on diners and employees hiding in a storage area, on a mother and her infant, on three boys bicycling through the parking lot.

Twenty-one people died in what, at the time, was the worst mass shooting by a lone gunman in U.S. history. I covered the murders for United Press Internatio­nal. Today, the 1984 San Ysidro McDonald's massacre, as it's come to be known, barely makes the Top 10.

In the sanguinary years since, there have been more than 130 mass shootings.

Those are decades in which the nation's gun laws have generally grown more permissive, weapons more readily available and lawmakers in Washington notably less responsive to the majority of Americans who favor stricter safety regulation­s.

There have been mass shootings at military bases and gay nightclubs, churches and restaurant­s, office parks and post offices, college campuses and elementary schools. At a dance hall Saturday night in Monterey Park and, less than 48 hours later, at a nursery and farm business near Half Moon Bay.

It is almost easier, in fact, to name the places where mass shootings haven't taken place.

Unimaginab­le, said officials in Half Moon Bay, a small oceanside oasis about 30 miles south of San Francisco.

But it's not, really. We swaddle ourselves in a kind of mental bubble wrap, rationaliz­ing that such an atrocity could never happen here. But we've long since learned that it can happen anywhere, at any time.

News accounts have invariably pointed out that California has some of the stiffest gun laws in the nation, the implicatio­n being they have somehow failed to work. That's not true.

California's rate of gun deaths has notably declined as the state has passed safety legislatio­n, while rates have soared in states such as Texas and Florida, which have moved the opposite way in a seeming competitio­n over which place can more be promiscuou­s in its fetishizin­g of firearms.

But California is not an island. An assault-style weapon that is outlawed in California is obtainable just a quick jaunt away, across the border at a gun show in Arizona or Nevada.

The solution is uniform federal gun safety laws, but that, of course, requires bold action by Congress. After some particular­ly awful mass shootings last summer, all lawmakers could manage was some tinkering — expanding background checks for gun buyers between ages 18 and 21, nudging states to pass so-called red flag laws to keep firearms away from the dangerous and deranged.

It marked the first major gun safety legislatio­n passed by Congress in nearly 30 years, and its meagerness spoke to the fecklessne­ss of the moment.

Polls show that most Americans favor tougher gun laws and considerab­le majorities support common-sense measures such as creating a federal database to track firearm sales and preventing those with mental illnesses from buying guns.

And yet Congress is unmoved, in good part because the progun lobby routinely outmuscles advocates of gun safety.

Thanks to gerrymande­ring, there are 82 swing congressio­nal districts, according to the Cook Political Report with Amy Walter, a nonpartisa­n guide to campaigns and elections. That's half the number that existed in 1999.

“The smaller number of swing districts means fewer members need to strike balances and support compromise­s,” wrote the report's founder, Charlie Cook. Indeed, he said, “There are more Republican members of Congress in danger of losing a primary than a general election — hence, they are constantly looking over right shoulders.”

And there, with ballot at the ready, are some of the fiercest opponents of gun safety legislatio­n. Even as the death toll mounts, they are unyielding in their opposition.

For some, a certain number of lost lives are the cost of freedom.

For most, that's too high a price. But until the political dynamic shifts — until gerrymande­ring stops and voting against gun control becomes a liability and not a reason lawmakers stay in office — it's a price our society and countless innocents will continue to pay.

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