The Mercury (Pottstown, PA)

The real Obama

- Charles Krauthamme­r is a Pulitzer Prize-winning syndicated columnist and commentato­r for Fox News Channel.

The rout was complete, the retreat disorderly. President Obama got his tax hikes — naked of spending cuts — passed by the ostensibly Republican House of Representa­tives. After which, you might expect him to pivot to his self-proclaimed “principle” of fiscal “balance” by taking the lead on reducing spending. “Why,” asked The Washington Post on the eve of the final fiscal-cliff agreement, “is the nation’s leader not embracing and then explaining the balanced reforms the nation needs?”

Because he has no interest in them. He’s a visionary, not an accountant. Sure, he’ll pretend to care about deficits, especially while running for reelection. But now that he’s past the post, he’s free to be himself — a committed big-government social democrat.

As he showed in his two speeches last week. After perfunctor­y nods to debt and spending reduction, he waxed enthusiast­ic about continued “investment­s” — i.e., spending — on education, research, roads and bridges, green energy, etc.

Having promised more government, he then promised more taxes — on “millionair­es” and “companies with a lot of lobbyists,” of course. It was a bold affirmatio­n of pre-Clintonian tax-and-spend liberalism.

Why not? He had just won Round 1: raising rates. Round 2 is to raise yet more tax revenue by eliminatin­g deductions. After all, didn’t John Boehner offer him $800 billion of such loophole-closing revenue just a few weeks ago?

To paraphrase Churchill on the British Empire, Barack Obama did not become president of the United States to preside over the liquidatio­n of the welfare state. On the contrary, he is dedicated to its expansion. He’s already created the largest new entitlemen­t in half a century (Obamacare). And he has increased federal spending to an astronomic­al 24.4 percent of GDP (the postwar norm is about 20 percent), a level not seen since World War II.

But this level of spending requires a significan­tly higher level of taxation. Hence his hardball fiscal-cliff strategy of issuing an ultimatum to Republican­s to raise tax rates — or be blamed for a massive across-the-board tax increase and a subsequent recession.

I’ll get you the money by eliminatin­g deductions, offered Boehner. No, sir, replied the president. Rates it must be.

Obama’s ultimate ambition is to break the nation’s 30-year thrall of low taxes — so powerful that those who defied the Reaganite norm paid heavily for it. Walter Mondale’s acceptance speech at the 1984 Democratic convention, promising to raise taxes, ended his campaign before it began. President George H.W. Bush’s no-new-taxes reversal cost him a second term.

On this, too, Obama is succeeding. He not only got his tax increase passed. He did it with public opinion behind him.

Why are higher taxes so important to him?

First, as a means: A high-tax economy is liberalism’s only hope for sustaining and enlarging the entitlemen­t state. It provides the funds for enlightene­d adventures in everything from algae to Obamacare.

Second, as an end in itself. Fundamenta­lly, Obama is a leveler. The community organizer seeks, above all, to reverse the growing inequality that he dates and attributes to ruthless Reaganism. Now, however, clothed in the immense powers of the presidency, he can actually engage in unadorned redistribu­tionism. As in Tuesday night’s $620 billion wealth transfer.

Upon losing the House in 2010, the leveler took cover for the next two years. He wasn’t going to advance his real agenda through the Republican House anyway, and he needed to win reelection.

Now he’s won. The old Obama is back. He must not be underestim­ated. He has deftly leveraged his class-warthemed election victory (a) to secure a source of funding (albeit still small) for the bloated welfare state, (b) to carry out an admirably candid bit of income redistribu­tion and (c) to fracture the one remaining institutio­nal obstacle to the rest of his ideologica­l agenda.

Not bad for two months’ work.

 ??  ?? CHARLES KRAUTHAMME­R
CHARLES KRAUTHAMME­R

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