The Middletown Press (Middletown, CT)

Congressio­nal seat could be at risk

As population growth in Connecticu­t lags

- By Brian Zahn

NEW HAVEN — As the United States’ population grows annually, Connecticu­t’s inability to keep apace might have political consequenc­es.

According to U.S. Census Bureau projection­s from 2018, the nation’s population grew by 18.4 million, or 5.96 percent, from the last census in 2010; but Connecticu­t ranks 48th in the nation for state growth, and is one of three states projected to have shrunk — by 1,482 people — since 2010.

“A lot of it has to do with the job opportunit­ies in Connecticu­t; we’ve had major corporatio­ns leave such as General Electric recently, and Connecticu­t is still financiall­y in a recession-like economy,” said Gayle Alberda, assistant professor of politics and public administra­tion at Fairfield University. “Another big thing is ‘brain drain,’ and it’s hard to retire here.”

Wesley Renfro, associate professor of political science at Quinnipiac University, said the state’s effectivel­y plateaued population is “a ticking time bomb,” because young people are neither moving to nor staying in the state, so the population is aging.

“There’s fewer young people here than there should be,” he said.

Experts say Connecticu­t’s lagging population is of interest because of the impact it could have on the state’s congressio­nal representa­tives, of which there are currently five. Following the census, Congress reapportio­ns the 435 seats in the U.S. House of Representa­tives every 10 years based on state population so citizens have approximat­ely equal representa­tion. In 2010, the average size of a congressio­nal district was 710,767, according to the U.S. Census Bureau.

For now, experts believe Connecticu­t’s five congressio­nal districts will remain intact past 2020.

“It’s possible, but it’s very unlikely” that Connecticu­t will lose a representa­tive following 2020, said Jeffrey Ladewig, associate professor of political science at the University of Connecticu­t.

Ladewig said that in 2010, residents of Connecticu­t were slightly underrepre­sented in Congress, with a population large enough for about 5.05 congressio­nal districts. By 2020, following current trends, Ladewig said, Connecticu­t is likely to maintain five congressio­nal districts, but will be overrepres­ented with a population befitting an estimated 4.75 districts.

“By 2030, in all likelihood, we’ll lose a seat,” he said.

U.S. Rep. Rosa DeLauro, D-3, said that if “the experts are right” and Connecticu­t could lose a congressio­nal seat in a little more 11 years, “There are many critical issues that working families face in Connecticu­t now and over the next decade — including the dramatic effects climate change and rising automation could have on jobs, the environmen­t and national security — but reapportio­nment is not high on that list.”

“I have no doubt that Connecticu­t will continue to have representa­tion in Congress from strong leaders who are fighting for working families and the middle class.” she said.

Ladewig said the census numbers don’t tell the full story with reapportio­nment, as overseas population­s such as those serving in the military are absent from census estimates of the resident population but will be included in apportionm­ent discussion­s. He said the effect on Connecticu­t of including overseas residents would likely be negligible though.

The effects on Connecticu­t politics of losing a congressio­nal district could be significan­t.

“It would set off a pretty complicate­d process within state-level politics,” Renfro said. “There would be a lot of jockeying over five seats becoming four seats, because an incumbent would lose a seat. Given that Connecticu­t’s delegation to the House of Representa­tives is overwhelmi­ngly Democratic most of the time, it has potential to be a nasty intra-party fight over how five seats gets translated into four.”

The Connecticu­t legislatur­e is responsibl­e for drawing congressio­nal boundaries and, once they have a draft map in place, it takes a supermajor­ity vote to approve new congressio­nal district boundaries.

Alberda said a political battle in 2030 could be influenced by what occurs in 2020, if state-level political districts were redrawn, which could tip the balance of power between urban centers and suburbs and between Democrats and Republican­s.

“One has to wonder if you could see the return of Republican­s,” said Jonathan Wharton, a professor of political science at Southern Connecticu­t State University and former chairman of the New Haven Republican Party.

Wharton said Republican­s have been targeting the 4th Congressio­nal District, which encompasse­s Greenwich as well as Bridgeport and is currently held by Democrat Jim Himes, “for many years” and that the 5th District, which recently elected Democratic political newcomer Jahana Hayes, is “not nearly as strong of a blue district” as the 1st and 3rd, which include Hartford and New Haven, respective­ly.

Ron Schurin, an associate professor in residence of political science at the University of Connecticu­t, said he does not anticipate that Democrats in Connecticu­t will have a major battle if they redistrict. However, incumbents may find themselves challenged politicall­y by new constituen­ts. If the map changes, it could influence the electorate in some districts.

“The (DeLauro) seat is a longtime Democratic seat. The (Rep. Jim Himes, D-4) seat has been in play for many years and still could be,” he said. “Himes is certainly more responsibl­e to the financial community than someone sitting in Rosa DeLauro’s seat.”

The last time Connecticu­t lost a representa­tive, in 2002 following the 2000 Census, it sparked a tough, partisan battle in the newly redrawn 5th Congressio­nal District between two incumbents: Democrat Jim Maloney and Republican Nancy Johnson, who won the seat.

“If Democrats are in control of redistrict­ing, they have to choose which two incumbents face off. The only projection you can make is it would be highly partisan,” said Ladewig. “It makes all incumbents a little vulnerable, because they all will have new voters in their districts who don’t all know them.”

Gary Rose, chairman of the Department of Government, Politics and Global Studies at Sacred Heart University, said he does not believe the electoral math would work for Republican­s in most places.

“Irrespecti­ve of how the reconfigur­ing is done, it’s going to be very difficult for any Republican to win any district,” he said.

Wharton said he was also pessimisti­c about Republican chances in the Nutmeg State’s congressio­nal delegation in the future.

“Realistica­lly, I think it only happens on either end of the state,” he said, as the Interstate 91 corridor “leans blue.”

Andrew Doba, a Democratic consultant in Connecticu­t and former member of then-Gov. Dannel P. Malloy’s staff, said he believes Democrats’ current control over the state’s congressio­nal districts would survive any consolidat­ion.

“It’s a part of our political process and a part of our government,” he said. “The politics will generally work themselves out. I think there are nothing but good signs for the Democratic Party in Connecticu­t.”

Experts said if reapportio­nment affects Connecticu­t, it would likely be felt more acutely at the federal level.

“We have some pretty important players down there,” Rose said.

Himes, he said, was influentia­l within the centrist New Democrat Coalition as its chairman from 2017 to 2019, and Hayes, as the state’s first African-American congresswo­man and part of a more diverse and progressiv­e freshman class, “could wield influence.”

“We have a lot of bang for our buck in terms of our congressio­nal delegation,” Schurin said.

U.S. Rep. John Larson, D-1, is on the Committee on Ways and Means and DeLauro sits on the Committee on Appropriat­ions, Wharton noted.

“Our lawmakers sit on some pretty powerful committees,” he said.

Renfro said the number of legislator­s sitting in the House isn’t the only factor that determines a state’s influence and power, but it’s neverthele­ss important.

“If you do decrease the number of members in that delegation, you probably get less ‘pork,’” he said.

If Connecticu­t were to lose a congressio­nal district, its number of electoral votes in presidenti­al elections would also decrease from seven to six. Although Connecticu­t has not recently played a major role in any presidenti­al races electorall­y, Alberda said it could continue to play a fairly unique role, regardless of congressio­nal representa­tion.

“Connecticu­t doesn’t get a lot of presidenti­al visits, but if candidates air ads in solid states, they do get an investment in their return to build fundraisin­g,” she said. “If a Democratic nominee airs a few ads in Connecticu­t, the return on investment is Nutmeggers donate to the campaign. We might lack in electoral votes, but we play a vital role in getting the message out in swing states.”

Political experts agree the electoral role of Connecticu­t, as well as most states in New England and the industrial Midwest, is diminishin­g as states in the South and West grow at a more rapid pace. According to the U.S. Census Bureau, Texas, Florida and California have all grown by more than 2 million people since 2010, and other states along the Sun Belt, such as North Carolina and Georgia, lead the rest of the nation in population growth.

“The population expanding in southern states and the Sun Belt has helped the Republican Party,” Rose said. “As those states grow, I think the Democratic Party is becoming a more northern party.”

Schurin said population trends have worked in Republican­s’ favor thus far, but migration could also be influencin­g the political makeup of historical­ly red states; last year, he mentioned, former Democratic Texas Rep. Beto O’Rourke won more than 48 percent of the vote in his Senate race against incumbent Sen. Ted Cruz, R-Texas, and a number of Democrats flipped seats in the historical­ly red state down ballot.

Additional­ly, Democrat Kyrsten Sinema won her Senate race in Arizona, and Democratic gubernator­ial candidates Stacey Abrams in Georgia and Andrew Gillum in Florida ran high-profile, competitiv­e campaigns, all in states that voted for Republican President Donald Trump in 2016.

Alberda said since Texas is guaranteed to gain seats as the state with the largest population growth, its changing demographi­cs can have an outsize influence nationally. Part of the demographi­c shift, she said, is New England residents moving out of state and taking their political values with them.

“We don’t actually pay enough attention to demographi­cs in general; it’s a slow-moving freight train,” Renfro said. “It’s not sexy compared to scandals, but it matters a whole lot in terms of our tax base. It’s a really powerful thing right in front of us.”

 ?? Arnold Gold / Hearst Connecticu­t Media ?? U.S. Rep. Rosa DeLauro celebrates her reelection in 2018 with her husband, Stanley Greenberg, in the background. DeLauro has served the 3rd Congressio­nal District since 1991.
Arnold Gold / Hearst Connecticu­t Media U.S. Rep. Rosa DeLauro celebrates her reelection in 2018 with her husband, Stanley Greenberg, in the background. DeLauro has served the 3rd Congressio­nal District since 1991.
 ?? Govtrack.us / Contribute­d photo ?? Connecticu­t’s current five congressio­nal districts.
Govtrack.us / Contribute­d photo Connecticu­t’s current five congressio­nal districts.

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