The Middletown Press (Middletown, CT)

Who rules the Insurance Capital?

- By Emilie Munson emunson@hearstmedi­act.com

Hartford’s identity as Insurance Capital of the World is posing a challenge for Democratic lawmakers intent on delivering relief on high health care costs for their constituen­ts.

Not unlike their efforts at a national level, insurers in Connecticu­t orchestrat­ed a powerful influence campaign that succeeded in derailing public option legislatio­n in 2019. That pressure is not going anywhere.

“We are resolute in our opposition to any government­run health care legislatio­n,” said Susan Halpin, executive director for the Connecticu­t Associatio­n of Health Plans, which lobbies on behalf of insurers.

As major employers in the state, insurers have the governor’s and lawmakers’ ears

The clearest example of health insurers flexing muscle was Cigna indirectly threatenin­g to leave the state in response to the “Connecticu­t Option,” legislatio­n backed by Gov. Ned Lamont that would create statespons­ored health plan for small businesses and individual­s. While lawmakers and state officials still dispute who killed the bill, the threat unquestion­ably triggered a series of events that resulted in the bill’s demise.

But for months prior, health insurers worked directly and indirectly to shape the legislatio­n — and then fiercely lobby against it.

“They’re a very powerful special interest and they didn’t hold back when it came to deploying their resources to try and stop this bill from happening,” said Rep. Sean Scanlon, DGuilford, cochair of the legislatur­e’s Insurance Committee.

Many public option health insurance bills were introduced in January, but they were soon thinned to one proposal developed by Scanlon, his Insurance Committee cochair Sen. Matt Lesser, DMiddletow­n, and state Comptrolle­r Kevin Lembo. That bill failed to win the governor’s support.

It was overhauled and narrowed in May to produce the “Connecticu­t Option,” which Lamont backed. The Connecticu­t Option created a statedesig­ned plan that private insurers would bid for the right to offer — a public private partnershi­p.

But in late May, after Cigna’s threat and Lembo telling the Hartford Courant the bill was dead, the “Connecticu­t Option” was gutted and never passed.

The public option legislatio­n was viewed as the most damaging proposals to insurers that the General Assembly has considered in years, Halpin said.

“It was extremely concerning to the health insurance industry to see proposals put on the table that are aimed at underminin­g the private market,” Halpin said. “Anything that undermines the insurance industry in Connecticu­t undermines Connecticu­t’s economy. I don’t think we can lose sight of that fact. We have 25,000 direct jobs related to the health insurance industry, another 24,000 indirect jobs.”

Aetna, Anthem, Cigna, ConnectiCa­re and Harvard Pilgrim Health Care were routinely at the table to negotiate the language of the “Connecticu­t Option,” which was announced on May 23.

Scanlon and Lesser said they were in regular conversati­on with insurers through the session. From May 15 to May 29 — the day Lembo proclaimed the bill dead — Lesser and Scanlon were in daily contact with insurers, they said.

“Cigna certainly had the most vocal opposition to this bill,” said Scanlon. “They do not serve the market that we are looking at with this bill, so it’s not a direct thing for them. It’s just more ideologica­l.”

Likewise, Lamont, a late supporter of the public option, had four phone calls with executives at Anthem, United HealthCare, Connectica­re and Cigna on May 15, according to Lamont’s schedule, obtained by Hearst Connecticu­t Media. Two days later, he followed up with a call with Aetna. Staff level talks also occurred.

“As a former small business owner, the governor is always looking for new solutions relating to health care,” Max Reiss, communicat­ions director for Lamont, said in a written statement. “As the discussion­s and realities of what the public options eventually looked like became clear, Governor Ned Lamont had serious reservatio­ns about the proposal, which is why he initiated discussion­s with industry and advocates to hash out what later became known as the Connecticu­t Option.”

Lamont’s senior adviser at this time was Colleen Flanagan Johnson, who previously worked for Cigna. She has since returned to Cigna’s employment — a position she said was solidified after the end of the legislativ­e session.

“I participat­ed in conversati­ons regarding the Governor’s thoughts around the issue and how to communicat­e them — what might work best given the dynamics at hand, how he believed a compromise might be reached and what he felt would be the best path forward,” Flanagan Johnson said. “My prior work at Cigna had no bearing on this issue, given my work there was in supporting the internal/external communicat­ions for the chief marketing officer and not a policy or product role.”

Less than a week after the collapse of the Connecticu­t Option, Cigna tallied another win: the company had its deadline to claim tax credits extended in the state budget. This move was supported by Lamont and Democratic lawmakers.

In addition to helping rewrite the public option, insurers rallied opponents against it.

The Connecticu­t Associatio­n of Health Plans, Aetna, Anthem, Cigna, ConnectiCa­re, Harvard Pilgrim Health Care and United HealthCare spent more than $830,000 collective­ly on direct lobbying in Connecticu­t in 2019 to date, according to the Office of State Ethics.

They created a website, Insurance Matters to CT, urging people to contact their legislator­s to oppose the public option, saying it would “make our current health care system more vulnerable” and constitute “perilous budgetary obligation­s.” Insurance Matters to CT paid for at least one Facebook advertisem­ent stating “Connecticu­t’s private health insurance options are working just fine.”

The insurance industry contribute­s $13.9 billion to the state’s gross domestic product. Nearly 3 percent of all working people were employed in insurance in 2018 — that’s the highest percentage of any state, according to the latest 2018 Connecticu­t Insurance Market Brief, prepared by PwC and Connecticu­t Insurance & Financial Services.

During the session, employees of the insurance companies contacted their legislator­s. Aetna informed Lesser how much of its workforce lived in his district, which comprises Cromwell, Middletown, Newington, Rocky Hill and Wethersfie­ld, Lesser said.

“I got folks who said ‘I work for an insurer. I’m worried that anything that cuts into my employer’s profitabil­ity may be bad for our business,’” said Lesser. “And I also heard from people who said ‘I work for an insurer. My job is to give people health care and that’s what I support your bill.’”

Around the country, millions of individual­s and small businesses are struggling with the expense of health insurance, doctor’s visits and prescripti­on drugs. As lawmakers debate solutions, costs have been generally climbing.

Seth Powers, codirector of the Center for Children with Special Needs, bought health insurance for the Glastonbur­y business with 35 fulltime employees. He supported government interventi­on in the health insurance markets because costs were outpacing what his business or employees could afford.

“A couple years ago there was a 20 to 40 percent increase on the plans we were on,” Powers said. “There was no way we could have sustained the business by taking that expense on. So what happened was it went to the employees and the employees’ share of that health care cost bore the brunt of that increase. There were people who we had here whose health care costs were increasing by $900 a month.”

Earlier this month, Anthem Health Plans sought state approval for a 15.2 percent increase for policies covering about 27,300 people in Connecticu­t. ConnectiCa­re asked to increase rates by 4.9 percent for more than 75,000 people.

In this context, the work for a public option or other health care affordabil­ity legislatio­n begins again. Scanlon and Lesser sat with insurers last week to discuss the collapse of the Connecticu­t Option and what health reforms to pursue in the future.

“If the dynamics don’t change, if the influence of the industry isn’t moderated in some way, the outcome is likely to be the same,” Lembo said. “There is no other way on the horizon in Connecticu­t to disrupt the spiral of rate increases and people losing coverage other than the introducti­on of a new affordable option in this space.”

 ?? Michael McAndrews / Associated Press ?? This July 23, 2015 photo shows the CIGNA corporate campus in Bloomfield. In the mid to late1950s, Connecticu­t General Life Insurance Co. shook the foundation of the city's venerable insurance industry when it built a suburban office complex in Bloomfield becoming the first insurer to move out of downtown Hartford.
Michael McAndrews / Associated Press This July 23, 2015 photo shows the CIGNA corporate campus in Bloomfield. In the mid to late1950s, Connecticu­t General Life Insurance Co. shook the foundation of the city's venerable insurance industry when it built a suburban office complex in Bloomfield becoming the first insurer to move out of downtown Hartford.

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