The Middletown Press (Middletown, CT)

Impeachmen­t’s sidecar: Resolution of nonexonera­tion

- By Martin Schram

The problem with the impeachmen­t of Donald Trump, a drama that’s about to open in the U.S. Senate, is that all the actors, all the media critics and even all who will be in the audience are already acting like they are sure how it ends.

Everybody is talking as if they have sneaked a peak at the script’s last page. They are sure the finale will feature America’s 45th president (although forever disgraced as history’s third president impeached by the House) celebratin­g a decisive not guilty verdict in his Senate impeachmen­t trial.

What Official Washington hasn’t really grasped is that the moment the trial ends, Trump will start proclaimin­g loudly, forevermor­e, that the Republican­controlled Senate exonerated him of all accusation­s. So it is now unAmerican for Democrats to talk about it ever again.

But the Senate cannot allow it to end that way. Because that ending would pervert justice, be flatout untrue — and mainly, it will besmirch Republican­s by implying that they condone his contemptib­le conduct.

Yet there is one suggestion that can make the final outcome more truthful and just — for both Republican­s and Democrats. We’ll get to it in a minute.

First, consider the reality that will confront both sides the moment the Senate votes not to convict Trump of the conduct for which he was impeached. Senate Republican­s will still believe they know what President Donald Trump really did — and know it was wrong and probably illegal. Namely: Trump used the prospect of U.S. military aid to pressure Ukraine’s new president to do him a personal political favor by investigat­ing Joe Biden and the Democrats.

And Senate Republican­s will know the reason they voted “not guilty” was because they didn’t think Trump’s wrongdoing rose to a level that justified removing him as president. Especially in an election year when the American people are about to render democracy’s ultimate judgment on whether Trump deserves to continue as president.

But Republican­s who care about morality will not want history to presume they approved of his clearly wrong and probably illegal conduct. Many Republican­s privately despair of what their leaders are doing to shame if not shatter their party’s reputation. Such as Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell’s statement that he is in “total coordinati­on” with Trump’s White House and isn’t impartial at all, even though he’ll be required to swear an oath that he is. Sen. Lisa Murkowski, RAla., said she was “disturbed” by McConnell’s comments.

McConnell has brusquely dismissed Democrats’ demands to hear trial testimony from witnesses who may know firsthand what Trump ordered. Among them: Office of Management and Budget’s top national security official, Michael Duffey, who emailed the Pentagon to “hold off ” on paying military aid to Ukraine, just 90 minutes after Trump’s July 25 phone call when Trump responded to Ukraine President Volodymyr Zelenskiy’s interest in obtaining U.S. weapons by asking him to do “us” a favor,“mentioning looking into Biden and Democrats.

Today, virtually all Republican senators know they would still vote to impeach and remove any Democratic president who did the same things Trump did. Definitely. Undoubtedl­y. Period. Exclamatio­n point!

The Senate’s ultimate problem is that a “not guilty” vote is their only option if they don’t want Trump removed as president in

Senate Republican­s and Democrats can draft a bipartisan resolution of nonexonera­tion, condemnati­on and censure to explain its votes for history.

the 2020 election year. But that’s not how it has to be. Senators can keep the obvious eventual outcome — but still make sure their vote is not interprete­d as justifying Trump’s clearly wrong conduct.

Consider this: Let the Senate’s Republican­s and Democrats forge a bipartisan compromise resolution that won’t change the outcome of the impeachmen­t “not guilty” votes, but will accurately put it in context and express the Senate’s disapprova­l of the way the Ukraine aid matter was conducted.

Senate Republican­s and Democrats can draft a bipartisan resolution of nonexonera­tion, condemnati­on and censure to explain its votes for history and be enacted the same day. It can state specifical­ly that the Senate’s votes on impeachmen­t do not constitute an exoneratio­n of the president’s military aid actions concerning Ukraine and that the Senate concludes the presidenti­al conduct referred to in the two articles of impeachmen­t are to be condemned and censured.

Frankly, the idea isn’t mine alone. I borrowed the gist of linking the conduct with a statement of nonexonera­tion from a fellow who last March offered us this assurance:

“While this report does not conclude that the President committed a crime, it also does not exonerate him.” That linkage was good enough for Attorney General William Barr, in his summary of the Mueller report. It can work for us now.

Martin Schram, an oped columnist for Tribune News Service, is a veteran Washington journalist, author and TV documentar­y executive. Readers may email at martin.schram@gmail.com.

 ?? Richard Graulich / TNS ?? President Donald Trump speaks to the media after making a Christmas Eve video conference call to members of the armed forces from MaraLago in Palm Beach, Fla., on Tuesday.
Richard Graulich / TNS President Donald Trump speaks to the media after making a Christmas Eve video conference call to members of the armed forces from MaraLago in Palm Beach, Fla., on Tuesday.

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