The Morning Call

Epstein’s death and the age of conspiraci­es

- Jonah Goldberg

Anyone who’s watched a courtroom TV drama has heard the phrase “Hard cases make bad law.” It’s a legal maxim that says really extreme — i.e., rare or weird — cases are not only hard to generalize from, they’re also a bad foundation for new legislatio­n or policy.

This also happens to be a good rule of thumb in life. Imagine if you judged all people of a certain race, sex or occupation based upon the strangest anecdote you have about someone who fits a particular category. Not every male in the Sunshine State is like “Florida Man.”

Which brings us to another Florida Man, Jeffrey Epstein, the admitted sex offender and high-society billionair­e who apparently committed suicide in federal detention over the weekend, despite having earlier been on suicide watch. A former friend and party bro of Bill Clinton and Donald Trump alike — and more recently the highest-profile federal prisoner in America — Epstein blurred the lines between a character in “Eyes Wide Shut” (Stanley Kubrick’s awful movie about a one-percenter sex cult that runs the world) and a James Bond villain who wanted to “seed” humanity with his DNA.

Epstein used his money and connection­s to get a sweetheart deal in Florida to evade serious punishment for soliciting prostituti­on from underage girls. A decade later, after the nature of the deal was exposed, a federal prosecutor in New York decided to prosecute him there.

In response to the news of Epstein’s death, conspiracy theories exploded across social media on Saturday. The hashtags “TrumpBodyC­ount” and “ClintonBod­yCount” trended nationally, the former in no small part because President Trump himself retweeted the Clinton body count hashtag.

And while it was deeply irresponsi­ble of the president to do that (and for Republican­s to defend it), it’s hard to blame everyone else because, damn, this is a weird story.

America has always had a bipartisan taste for conspiracy theories, because humans are wired to selectivel­y connect dots that fit a preconceiv­ed narrative. Every society has its own pet notions of secret cabals and mysterious plots. If anything, the United States is less prone to such things because conspiracy theories thrive in undemocrat­ic cultures where rulers are unaccounta­ble and probably are scheming behind the scenes. The rule of law, elections and a robust free press are great antidotes to such thinking.

What makes this moment so different — and dangerous — is that elites who presumably know better, or should know better, have become increasing­ly paranoid as well.

It’s normal for the party out of power to dabble in conspirato­rial thinking. Partisansh­ip and perceived powerlessn­ess fuel the desire to see your opponents in the worst light.

The “Clinton body count” stuff started on the right under Bill Clinton. Under George W. Bush, 9/11 “Trutherism” ran rampant. Under Barack Obama, “Birtherism” spread like a cancer.

But the trend has metastasiz­ed. No doubt there are many causes. Cratering faith in institutio­ns is kindling for the fires of paranoia. Social media prioritize the sensationa­l over the factual and give outsized voice to those who claim to know what’s “really” going on.

Then there’s Trump. He rose to political prominence on the back of a conspiracy theory and exploited several others to rally his troops. His detractors resort to other conspiracy theories (mass voter suppressio­n, etc.) to explain his 2016 Electoral College victory, and he invokes one (millions of illegal voters) to explain his failure to win the popular vote. Trump’s coalition is a big tent where people with tinfoil hats belly up to the Kool-Aid punch bowl, proudly wearing their QAnon, Pizzagate, anti-Deep State name tags

That’s what’s so awful about the Epstein story, however the facts pan out. It lends validation — perhaps not factual, but certainly psychologi­cal — to the craziest voices and will make it harder, for years to come, to argue against the new paranoia.

Tribune Content Agency

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