The Morning Call

Rare for intelligen­ce officer to be whistleblo­wer

- By Steven L. Hall

Ispent 30 years working in the CIA’s Clandestin­e Service. During those three decades, I was never aware of a whistleblo­wer anywhere inside the CIA or the broader intelligen­ce community. Why?

There are two reasons. The first is because it is a deeply uncomforta­ble, counterint­uitive step for an intelligen­ce officer to decide to become a whistleblo­wer. The second is because that’s precisely the way the system is supposed to work. I should never have known of any whistleblo­wer, because the law is specifical­ly structured to protect their anonymity.

President Donald Trump’s attempts to find out who alerted the intelligen­ce community’s inspector general about his call to Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky — and his continuing attacks on that person — betray how little Trump understand­s or cares about the government he’s supposed to be running.

Just the fact that there is a whistleblo­wer in the intelligen­ce community makes the situation extraordin­ary. We now know just how extraordin­ary: The president of the United States asked a foreign leader for derogatory informatio­n on a domestic political foe, something no federal employee should be able to overlook. It is difficult to overstate how great the reticence of an American intelligen­ce officer would be regarding becoming a whistleblo­wer, but clearly, this was beyond the pale.

This is as true for CIA analysts as it is for CIA case officers. We do almost nothing publicly, and indeed, if the identity of a member of the Clandestin­e Service does becomes public, it’s usually not a good thing. We are trained to stay away from the news media and the limelight.

CIA officers also understand that despite the protection­s against reprisals that the whistleblo­wer statutes provide, blowing the whistle poses significan­t risk. Perhaps because CIA officers have met with great success over the years when stealing the secrets of foreign adversaria­l government­s, we are understand­ably skeptical as to whether our own government can really keep all its secrets.

Even in the most justified case of whistleblo­wing there could still be a chilling effect on an intelligen­ce officer’s career. Whistleblo­wers might be judged by their peers as either indiscreet, or worse, politicall­y motivated. Neither is a trait an intelligen­ce officer wants to be associated with in our world.

The second reason I was never aware of a whistleblo­wer during my time at the CIA is because that’s how the system is supposed to work. When a U.S. government employee sees something he or she suspects is illegal or inappropri­ate, they can report it formally, in a special protected channel.

The key element, of course, is protection against reprisals by more senior officials in the whistleblo­wer’s chain of command. There have been some whistleblo­wers in my world, but I never heard about them at the time.

Even the most secret government activity is not exempt from the whistleblo­wer statutes, and if we want this particular­ly powerful brake on bad behavior inside the intelligen­ce community to remain meaningful, maintainin­g a whistleblo­wer’s anonymity remains paramount.

That’s a unique system, and in plenty of places Trump seems to like, whistleblo­wers are treated quite differentl­y.

Look at Russia, though you can’t check with Sergey Litvinenko, as the Russians killed him with poloniumla­ced tea. Or North Korea, where Trump has “fallen in love” with a leader who has those critical of him killed using antiaircra­ft guns. And then there’s Saudi Arabia, where those voicing skepticism about the government are subjected to bone saws or, like in a scene out of “The Handmaid’s Tale,” ritually hanged in public.

But Trump and his allies and aides appear not to recognize how important are the protection­s our government gives to whistleblo­wers. Instead, one of his senior advisers in the White House, Stephen Miller, recently stated that due to his extensive (three years’ worth) of work in the federal government, he was sure the CIA whistleblo­wer was a “deep state operative.” (For the record, another thing I never saw during my 30 years at CIA was any evidence whatsoever of anything resembling a deep state or its operatives.)

Trump has recently proclaimed that he should have the right to confront his accuser, apparently completely missing the point that the rule of law in the United States carves out a special space for whistleblo­wers to avoid that very confrontat­ion.

The whistleblo­wer statutes contemplat­e in a very nonpartisa­n way a situation where a more junior official needs to call to attention the unacceptab­le behavior of his or her bosses. The nonpartisa­n element is a critical part of the statue, because while our current president is at least nominally a Republican, the next one might be a Democrat.

When it comes to whistleblo­wing, it is indeed country before party, as it should be.

We can now perhaps better understand why Trump is so convulsive­ly worried about whistleblo­wers. He’s loath to have the details of his conversati­ons with foreign leaders be made public, because in these conversati­ons, he is engaging in behaviors that are eroding American democracy. The president does not want us to know the lengths to which he will go to protect not America, but his own ambitions.

Steven L. Hall retired from the CIA in 2015 after 30 years of running and managing Russian operations.

 ?? DREW ANGERER/GETTY ?? Steven L. Hall, former U.S. CIA chief of Russia operations, attends a House Select Committee on Intelligen­ce hearing in March that concerned 2016 Russian interferen­ce tactics in the U.S. elections.
DREW ANGERER/GETTY Steven L. Hall, former U.S. CIA chief of Russia operations, attends a House Select Committee on Intelligen­ce hearing in March that concerned 2016 Russian interferen­ce tactics in the U.S. elections.

Newspapers in English

Newspapers from United States