The Morning Journal (Lorain, OH)

1860, 1968 elections have lessons

- Austin Sarat Amherst College The Conversati­on is an independen­t and nonprofit source of news, analysis and commentary from academic experts.

Fresh evidence of the nastiness and divisivene­ss of the 2020 presidenti­al election emerges every day.

President Trump has let loose a storm of invective over Twitter about various African American public figures and about the conditions of life in America’s inner cities.

In addition, he has questioned the patriotism of Democrats and alleged that they are trying to “destroy our country.”

Democrats have responded by denouncing the president’s racially tinged language and accusing the president and his supporters of being the ones destroying the country.

“Four years of Donald Trump,” former Vice President Joe Biden claims, “would be an aberration in American history. Eight years will fundamenta­lly change who we are as a nation.” Biden, of course, is running for president.

Nasty, divisive elections are nothing new in the United States. As someone who teaches and writes about the importance of historical memory in American law and politics, I believe the 2020 election will rival the ugliest America has ever witnessed.

There are lessons that can be learned from examining this election’s parallels with two previous presidenti­al elections – 1860 and 1968 – both of which left America deeply divided.

In the lead-up to the 1860 election, the nation was splintered by the question of slavery and by geography, with sectional conflicts between the more industrial northern states from the more agrarian South.

Those divisions produced a schism among Democrats and the formation of two separate parties. Stephen Douglas led the anti-slavery Northern Democrats, and John Breckenrid­ge led the pro-slavery Southern Democrats as their candidates for president.

A third party,the Constituti­onal Union Party, nominated John Bell. It was a splinter party composed of disillusio­ned Democrats and former members of the Whig party (a major political party in the mid-19th century which stood for protective tariffs, national banking, and federal aid for internal improvemen­ts). The Constituti­onal Union Party wanted to avoid secession over slavery. Bell’s battle cry was “The Union as it is, and the Constituti­on as it is.”

Abraham Lincoln, an opponent of slavery, was the Republican candidate. Yet he promised to let the South hold onto its slaves so long as slavery was not extended to any new territorie­s.

Despite winning the election, whites allied with the Southern Democratic Party did not see Lincoln as a legitimate president because of his opposition to the expansion of slavery and perceived hostility to the beliefs and values of Southerner­s.

Seven Southern states seceded between Lincoln’s election and inaugurati­on: South Carolina, Mississipp­i, Florida, Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana and Texas.

A little more than 100 years later, the 1968 election was marked by extraordin­ary bitterness arising from the Vietnam War, the legacy of the assassinat­ions of Martin Luther King Jr. and Robert F. Kennedy, and a backlash against the ongoing civil rights revolution.

As was the case in 1860 and is the case now, race was at the center of the 1968 campaign.

In 1968, Republican­s nominated Richard Nixon, who relied on a “Southern Strategy” that used opposition to desegregat­ion and barely concealed racist appeals to “law and order” to enlist the support of white Southerner­s.

Nixon also stirred up resentment by appealing to what he called “the great silent majority.”

“There are two kinds of Americans,” Nixon said, “the ordinary middle-class folks with the white picket fence who play by the rules and pay their taxes and don’t protest and the people who basically come from the left.”

Like today’s Democratic Party, in which some candidates are calling for revolution­ary changes while others offer only reform, the Democrats of 50 years ago had to choose among candidates with starkly different visions of the future of their party and the nation.

The Democrats fractured over the Vietnam War with their division on display during the nominating convention. They chose the establishm­ent candidate, Vice President Hubert Humphrey, as their standard bearer.

Today the leading contender for the Democratic nomination for president is yet another establishm­ent candidate and a former vice president – Joe Biden.

In 1968, Segregatio­nist Gov. George Wallace of Alabama, a Democrat well-known for his declaratio­n “segregatio­n now, segregatio­n tomorrow, segregatio­n forever,” ran a third party campaign for president.

Wallace promoted what The New York Times called a “visceral populism” and used raucous rallies to belittle his opponents. He asked his supporters to “Stand Up for America.”

Like the aftermath of the 1860 election, 1968 created what columnist and author Michael A. Cohen called “a very clear racial divide between the two parties” and a sharp division about the role of the federal government in American life.

In the 1860 and 1968 elections, arguments about race and appeals to racial resentment were used in ways that injured America. The current campaign is lining up to be a repeat performanc­e.

The 1860 and 1968 elections also offer warnings that the vitriol surroundin­g an election can leave the losing side feeling that it cannot reconcile with those who prevailed and the winning side angry even after its victory. Such vitriol, I believe, is the daily grist of the politics on both sides of the 2020 campaign.

As the country faces the prospect of a rancorous 2020 presidenti­al election, the elections of 1860 and 1968 should remind all Americans of Lincoln’s prophetic warning that “a house divided against itself cannot stand.”

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