The Morning Journal (Lorain, OH)

Not the time for NATO expansion

- Jeffrey H. Bloodworth is security fellow at the Truman National Security Project. He wrote this for InsideSour­ces.com.

God grant me the serenity to accept the things I cannot change, courage to change the things I can, and the wisdom to know the difference. — Reinhold Niebuhr’s “Serenity Prayer,” 1943

Harry Truman understood Reinhold Niebuhr’s “Serenity Prayer.” Because of this, NATO’s founder would surely resist NATO expansion. In 1947, Truman was confronted with what is to us a familiar challenge: Soviet (Russian) aggression. Breaking wartime accords, the Soviets occupied Eastern Europe and schemed to overtake the Western half. This was a strategic challenge of the highest order, which seemingly posed a binary choice: appeasemen­t or war.

Recalling Neville Chamberlai­n, Truman refused appeasemen­t. He also realized a bloody war to roll back Soviet aggression did not serve the national interest. But Truman knew his Niebuhr. Made famous by 12-step programs, Niebuhr originally penned his plea for war-weary Americans. But the philosophe­r-theologian’s prayer came to encapsulat­e early Cold War philosophy to counter Soviet aggression while avoiding full-fledged war.

Rejecting both combat and concession, Truman’s middle way was the 12-nation North Atlantic Treaty Organizati­on. A collective security pact, NATO was the foundation of America’s postwar containmen­t policy. Via NATO, the West contained Soviet expansion until it would collapse from “internal contradict­ions.” Hardly the stuff of action movies, NATO and containmen­t were stolid, sober and serious answers to Soviet imperialis­m. It also worked. Despite strategic blunders and inter-alliance tensions, NATO held firm and the Soviet Union crumbled from within.

Seventy-five years later, the West is confronted with a reprise of Russian imperialis­m. Like our forbearers, there are those so filled with understand­able umbrage and outrage that they seek an aggressive, affirmativ­e response: NATO expansion. In the heat of the moment, we must keep our heads and remember Niebuhr and Truman’s sage example. Both understood that America had to restrain its inner-Yosemite Sam and thread a political needle by countering aggression without spiraling into an atomic conflagrat­ion. NATO expansion into Georgia, Moldova, Ukraine and even Finland are needlessly provocativ­e measures, which could also undermine the alliance.

NATO’s current united stand against Russian aggression resulted from decades of slow-gestating security, economic, political and cultural integratio­n. In theory, NATO is open to those nations that meet certain economic and political criteria and contribute to Euro-Atlantic security. Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine simply do not meet those standards. In addition to lagging economic developmen­t, all three bring with them pre-existing conflicts, which could drag the alliance into war.

Realists have bemoaned NATO expansion into Poland (1999) and the Baltics (2004) for sparking Russia’s ire and the present conflict. These specialist­s are, to some extent, correct. But their analysis misses the point. First, Poland and the Baltic states are sovereign nations equipped to make security considerat­ions that run counter to Russian desires. Moreover, Russia did not heatedly object, which meant expansion did not bring with it an imminent threat of war. But 2022 is not the late 1990s and early 2000s. Today, adding Georgia, Moldova, Ukraine and even Finland invites further conflict with a humiliated and nucleararm­ed Russia. This is no time for provocatio­ns on Russian borders.

NATO is only as strong as its members’ commitment to Article V. The Three Musketeers proviso pledges each member state to consider an attack on one as an attack on all. It is wholly foreseeabl­e that a NATO state could deem a conflict with Russia over far-flung Moldova, for instance, as outside its security interests and refuse to invoke Article V. Such a scenario could be the alliance’s undoing and Putin’s ultimate fantasy.

Niebuhr and Truman would not deem Russian domination of its neighbors as something the West cannot change. But they would caution that our seething rage at Putin’s war should not blinker our wisdom so that we blunder into a catastroph­ic, wider conflict. Courage ofttimes calls for discretion and measured responses. Arming the Ukrainians, sanctionin­g Russia and offering robust security assistance short of NATO enlargemen­t has helped stymie Putin’s advance. To be sure, such measures do not result in emotional satisfacti­on. But this is not a Hollywood movie.

A wise Niebuhrian and Truman-esque response is one that salvages Ukrainian sovereignt­y, severely punishes Russia, forestalls a wider war, and prevents future conflict. Be prepared. There is no quick and easy solution to this foreign policy crisis.

The West must accept it cannot end Putin’s aggression in one fell swoop. It is a challenge that must be managed, confronted and thwarted. This is no time for dramatic gestures. Truman’s example and Niebuhr’s “Serenity Prayer” point the way.

 ?? ?? Jeffrey H. Bloodworth
Jeffrey H. Bloodworth

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