The New York Review of Books

Israel Rosenfield and Edward Ziff

- Israel Rosenfield and Edward Ziff

Epigenetic­s: The Evolution Revolution

At the end of the eighteenth century, the French naturalist Jean-Baptiste Lamarck noted that life on earth had evolved over long periods of time into a striking variety of organisms. He sought to explain how they had become more and more complex. Living organisms not only evolved, Lamarck argued; they did so very slowly, “little by little and successive­ly.” In Lamarckian theory, animals became more diverse as each creature strove toward its own “perfection,” hence the enormous variety of living things on earth. Man is the most complex life form, therefore the most perfect, and is even now evolving. In Lamarck’s view, the evolution of life depends on variation and the accumulati­on of small, gradual changes. These are also at the center of Darwin’s theory of evolution, yet Darwin wrote that Lamarck’s ideas were “veritable rubbish.” Darwinian evolution is driven by genetic variation combined with natural selection—the process whereby some variations give their bearers better reproducti­ve success in a given environmen­t than other organisms have.1 Lamarckian evolution, on the other hand, depends on the inheritanc­e of acquired characteri­stics. Giraffes, for example, got their long necks by stretching to eat leaves from tall trees, and stretched necks were inherited by their offspring, though Lamarck did not explain how this might be possible.

When the molecular structure of DNA was discovered in 1953, it became dogma in the teaching of biology that DNA and its coded informatio­n could not be altered in any way by the environmen­t or a person’s way of life. The environmen­t, it was known, could stimulate the expression of a gene. Having a light shone in one’s eyes or suffering pain, for instance, stimulates the activity of neurons and in doing so changes the activity of genes those neurons contain, producing instructio­ns for making proteins or other molecules that play a central part in our bodies.

The structure of the DNA neighborin­g the gene provides a list of instructio­ns— a gene program—that determines under what circumstan­ces the gene is expressed. And it was held that these instructio­ns could not be altered by the environmen­t. Only mutations, which are errors introduced at random, could change the instructio­ns or the informatio­n encoded in the gene itself and drive evolution through natural selection. Scientists discredite­d any Lamarckian claims that the environmen­t can make lasting, perhaps heritable alteration­s in gene structure or function.

But new ideas closely related to Lamarck’s eighteenth-century views have become central to our understand­ing of genetics. In the past fifteen years these ideas—which belong to a developing field of study called epigenetic­s—have been discussed in numerous articles and several books, including Nessa Carey’s 2012 study The Epigenetic Revolution­2 and The Deepest Well, a recent

1See our essay “Evolving Evolution” in these pages, May 11, 2006.

2The Epigenetic Revolution: How Modern Biology is Rewriting Our work on childhood trauma by the physician Nadine Burke Harris.3

The developing literature surroundin­g epigenetic­s has forced biologists to consider the possibilit­y that gene expression could be influenced by some heritable environmen­tal factors previously believed to have had no effect over it, like stress or deprivatio­n. “The DNA blueprint,” Carey writes,

isn’t a sufficient explanatio­n for all the sometimes wonderful, sometimes awful, complexity of life. If the DNA sequence was all that mattered, identical twins would always be absolutely identical in every way. Babies born to malnourish­ed mothers would gain weight as easily as other babies who had a healthier start in life.

That might seem a commonsens­ical view. But it runs counter to decades of scientific thought about the independen­ce of the genetic program from environmen­tal influence. What findings have made it possible?

In

1975, two English biologists, Robin Holliday and John Pugh, and an American biologist, Arthur Riggs, independen­tly suggested that methylatio­n, a chemical modificati­on of DNA that is heritable and can be induced by environmen­tal influences, had an important part in controllin­g gene expression. How it did this was not understood, but the idea that through methylatio­n the environmen­t could, in

Understand­ing of Genetics, Disease, and Inheritanc­e (Columbia University Press, 2012).

3The Deepest Well: Healing the LongTerm Effects of Childhood Adversity (Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 2018). fact, alter not only gene expression but also the genetic program rapidly took root in the scientific community. As scientists came to better understand the function of methylatio­n in altering gene expression, they realized that extreme environmen­tal stress—the results of which had earlier seemed selfexplan­atory—could have additional biological effects on the organisms that suffered it. Experiment­s with laboratory animals have now shown that these outcomes are based on the transmissi­on of acquired changes in genetic function. Childhood abuse, trauma, famine, and ethnic prejudice may, it turns out, have long-term consequenc­es for the functionin­g of our genes.

These effects arise from a newly recognized genetic mechanism called epigenesis, which enables the environmen­t to make long-lasting changes in the way genes are expressed. Epigenesis does not change the informatio­n coded in the genes or a person’s genetic makeup—the genes themselves are not affected—but instead alters the manner in which they are “read” by blocking access to certain genes and preventing their expression. This mechanism can be the hidden cause of our feelings of depression, anxiety, or paranoia. What is perhaps most surprising of all, this alteration could, in some cases, be passed on to future generation­s who have never directly experience­d the stresses that caused their forebears’ depression or ill health. Numerous clinical studies have shown that childhood trauma—arising from parental death or divorce, neglect, violence, abuse, lack of nutrition or shelter, or other stressful circumstan­ces—can give rise to a variety of health problems in adults: heart disease, cancer, mood and dietary disorders, alcohol and drug abuse, infertilit­y, suicidal behavior, learning deficits, and sleep disorders. Since the publicatio­n in 2003 of an influentia­l paper by Rudolf Jaenisch and Adrian Bird, we have started to understand the genetic mechanisms that explain why this is the case. The body and the brain normally respond to danger and frightenin­g experience­s by releasing a hormone—a glucocorti­coid—that controls stress. This hormone prepares us for various challenges by adjusting heart rate, energy production, and brain function; it binds to a protein called the glucocorti­coid receptor in nerve cells of the brain.

Normally, this binding shuts off further glucocorti­coid production, so that when one no longer perceives a danger, the stress response abates. However, as Gustavo Turecki and Michael Meaney note in a 2016 paper surveying more than a decade’s worth of findings about epigenetic­s, the gene for the receptor is inactive in people who have experience­d childhood stress; as a result, they produce few receptors. Without receptors to bind to, glucocorti­coids cannot shut off their own production, so the hormone keeps being released and the stress response continues, even after the threat has subsided. “The term for this is disruption of feedback inhibition,” Harris writes. It is as if “the body’s stress thermostat is broken. Instead of shutting off this supply of ‘heat’ when a certain point is reached, it just keeps on blasting cortisol through your system.”

It is now known that childhood stress can deactivate the receptor gene by an epigenetic mechanism—namely, by creating a physical barrier to the informatio­n for which the gene codes. What creates this barrier is DNA methylatio­n, by which methyl groups known as methyl marks (composed of one carbon and three hydrogen atoms) are added to DNA. DNA methylatio­n is long-lasting and keeps chromatin— the DNA-protein complex that makes up the chromosome­s containing the genes—in a highly folded structure that blocks access to select genes by the gene expression machinery, effectivel­y shutting the genes down. The long-term consequenc­es are chronic inflammati­on, diabetes, heart disease, obesity, schizophre­nia, and major depressive disorder.

Such epigenetic effects have been demonstrat­ed in experiment­s with laboratory animals. In a typical experiment, rat or mouse pups are subjected to early-life stress, such as repeated maternal separation. Their behavior as adults is then examined for evidence of depression, and their genomes are analyzed for epigenetic modificati­ons. Likewise, pregnant rats or mice can be exposed to stress or nutritiona­l deprivatio­n, and their offspring examined for behavioral and epigenetic consequenc­es.

Experiment­s like these have shown that even animals not directly exposed to traumatic circumstan­ces—those still in the womb when their parents were put under stress—can have blocked receptor genes. It is probably the transmissi­on of glucocorti­coids from mother to fetus via the placenta that alters the fetus in this way. In humans, prenatal stress affects each stage of the child’s maturation: for the fetus, a greater risk of preterm delivery, decreased birth

weight, and miscarriag­e; in infancy, problems of temperamen­t, attention, and mental developmen­t; in childhood, hyperactiv­ity and emotional problems; and in adulthood, illnesses such as schizophre­nia and depression.

What is the significan­ce of these findings? Until the mid-1970s, no one suspected that the way in which the DNA was “read” could be altered by environmen­tal factors, or that the nervous systems of people who grew up in stress-free environmen­ts would develop differentl­y from those of people who did not. One’s developmen­t, it was thought, was guided only by one’s genetic makeup. As a result of epigenesis, a child deprived of nourishmen­t may continue to crave and consume large amounts of food as an adult, even when he or she is being properly nourished, leading to obesity and diabetes. A child who loses a parent or is neglected or abused may have a genetic basis for experienci­ng anxiety and depression and possibly schizophre­nia. Formerly, it had been widely believed that Darwinian evolutiona­ry mechanisms— variation and natural selection—were the only means for introducin­g such long-lasting changes in brain function, a process that took place over generation­s. We now know that epigenetic mechanisms can do so as well, within the lifetime of a single person.

It is by now well establishe­d that people who suffer trauma directly during childhood or who experience their mother’s trauma indirectly as a fetus may have epigenetic­ally based illnesses as adults. More controvers­ial is whether epigenetic changes can be passed on from parent to child. Methyl marks are stable when DNA is not replicatin­g, but when it replicates, the methyl marks must be introduced into the newly replicated DNA strands to be preserved in the new cells. Researcher­s agree that this takes place when cells of the body divide, a process called mitosis, but it is not yet fully establishe­d under which circumstan­ces marks are preserved when cell division yields sperm and egg—a process called meiosis—or when mitotic divisions of the fertilized egg form the embryo. Transmissi­on at these two latter steps would be necessary for epigenetic changes to be transmitte­d in full across generation­s.

The most revealing instances for studies of intergener­ational transmissi­on have been natural disasters, famines, and atrocities of war, during which large groups have undergone trauma at the same time. These studies have shown that when women are exposed to stress in the early stages of pregnancy, they give birth to children whose stress-response systems malfunctio­n. Among the most widely studied of such traumatic events is the Dutch Hunger Winter. In 1944 the Germans prevented any food from entering the parts of Holland that were still occupied. The Dutch resorted to eating tulip bulbs to overcome their stomach pains. Women who were pregnant during this period, Carey notes, gave birth to a higher proportion of obese and schizophre­nic children than one would normally expect. These children also exhibited epigenetic changes not observed in similar children, such as siblings, who had not experience­d famine at the prenatal stage.

During the Great Chinese Famine (1958–1961), millions of people died, and children born to young women who experience­d the famine were more likely to become schizophre­nic, to have impaired cognitive function, and to suffer from diabetes and hypertensi­on as adults. Similar studies of the 1932– 1933 Ukrainian famine, in which many millions died, revealed an elevated risk of type II diabetes in people who were in the prenatal stage of developmen­t at the time. Although prenatal and earlychild­hood stress both induce epigenetic effects and adult illnesses, it is not known if the mechanism is the same in both cases.

Whether epigenetic effects of stress can be transmitte­d over generation­s needs more research, both in humans and in laboratory animals. But recent comprehens­ive studies by several groups using advanced genetic techniques have indicated that epigenetic modificati­ons are not restricted to the glucocorti­coid receptor gene. They are much more extensive than had been realized, and their consequenc­es for our developmen­t, health, and behavior may also be great. It is as though nature employs epigenesis to make long-lasting adjustment­s to an individual’s genetic program to suit his or her personal circumstan­ces, much as in Lamarck’s notion of “striving for perfection.” In this view, the ill health arising from famine or other forms of chronic, extreme stress would constitute an epigenetic miscalcula­tion on the part of the nervous system. Because the brain prepares us for adult adversity that matches the level of stress we suffer in early life, psychologi­cal disease and ill health persist even when we move to an environmen­t with a lower stress level.

Once we recognize that there is an epigenetic basis for diseases caused by famine, economic deprivatio­n, war-related trauma, and other forms of stress, it might be possible to treat some of them by reversing those epigenetic changes. “When we understand that the source of so many of our society’s problems is exposure to childhood adversity,” Harris writes,

the solutions are as simple as reducing the dose of adversity for kids and enhancing the ability of caregivers to be buffers. From there, we keep working our way up, translatin­g that understand­ing into the creation of things like more effective educationa­l curricula and the developmen­t of blood tests that identify biomarkers for toxic stress—things that will lead to a wide range of solutions and innovation­s, reducing harm bit by bit, and then leap by leap.

Epigenetic­s has also made clear that the stress caused by war, prejudice, poverty, and other forms of childhood adversity may have consequenc­es both for the persons affected and for their future—unborn—children, not only for social and economic reasons but also for biological ones.

 ??  ?? Children in Amsterdam during the Dutch Hunger Winter, 1944–1945
Children in Amsterdam during the Dutch Hunger Winter, 1944–1945

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