The News Herald (Willoughby, OH)

Time for pro-democracy movement

- By Yordanos Eyoel and Hahrie Han Yordanos Eyoel is the founder of Keseb and a visiting fellow at the SNF Agora Institute at Johns Hopkins University. Hahrie Han is the inaugural director of the institute and a professor of political science at Johns Hopki

Democracy does not disappear by accident. Instead, all over the world, we are witnessing deliberate attempts by antidemocr­atic actors to weaken civil society, cripple the rule of law and activate social fragmentat­ion. From weaponizin­g fear to re-writing history to exploiting religion, today’s autocrats and their supporters leverage the same playbook. At the heart of that playbook is a multiprong­ed attack on civil society. In 2021, among the 33 auto-cratizing countries, repression of civil society worsened in 22.

If a diminished civil society is the foundation of autocracy, a robust and inclusive civil society is the bedrock of democracy. Civil society serves as an intermedia­ry between the state and the individual, composed of organizati­ons such as schools and universiti­es, nonprofit and advocacy groups, profession­al associatio­ns, churches and cultural institutio­ns. Civil society is the connective tissue that holds any society together. It is no accident that anti-democratic actors start there.

Despite the centrality of civil society to the authoritar­ian playbook, efforts to strengthen democracy too often underinves­t in civil society — even though it is our best line of defense.

Civil society organizati­ons in both democracie­s and autocratic regimes are hamstrung by limited resources and lack of coordinati­on. Even in the United States, with the world’s most sophistica­ted philanthro­pic culture, civil society organizati­ons defending and strengthen­ing democracy are grossly underfunde­d compared to organizati­ons working on education, health or poverty alleviatio­n. For instance in 2020, U.S. philanthro­pists spent $71 billion on education whereas decade-long philanthro­pic funding of democracy organizati­ons totaled about $14 billion. This pattern of overinvest­ing in issue areas and underinves­ting in governance is also reflected in how the U.S. government has allocated its funding globally. For example, in Africa, the U.S. government spends 70 percent of its funds ($5.4 billion) on health initiative­s and only 4 percent ($312.4 million) on democracy, human rights and governance.

Because civil society is inherently decentrali­zed, sometimes it can be hard to know how to strategica­lly invest in it. Investment­s in civil society may not seem as significan­t as sweeping institutio­nal and policy reforms, such as H.R. 1 in the United States. Or, because civil life involves the messy work of bringing people together, efforts to strengthen it may seem unpredicta­ble relative to individual­ly targeted psychologi­cal interventi­ons, such as traditiona­l or social media ads to incentiviz­e action.

It doesn’t have to be so. We can and must develop a strategic approach to shoring up and inoculatin­g civil society against attempts to weaken it. The first part of the solution to protect and strengthen democracy is to prioritize funding democracy issues and organizati­ons. The second is to invest these resources strategica­lly in civil society. We propose two immediate priorities:

Build civic resilience: In the U.S. and internatio­nally, there is an overinvest­ment in shortterm outcomes, in pursuit of a silver bullet electoral or policy win (the 2020 U.S elections cost a whopping $14 billion). While leadership and structural reforms are important to strengthen­ing democracy, we also need civil society organizati­ons that cultivate a shared commitment to democratic values and build resilience among individual­s and communitie­s to advance those values. Funding for civil society organizati­ons that are tirelessly building the culture of democracy and social cohesion through approaches such as civics education, community organizing, leadership developmen­t and facilitati­ng deliberati­ve dialogue for inclusive democracy should be prioritize­d alongside those working on structural reforms.

Facilitate transnatio­nal prodemocra­cy coordinati­on: As the Freedom House warns, “the global order is nearing a tipping point, and if democracy’s defenders do not work together to help guarantee freedom for all people, the authoritar­ian model will prevail.” Today, pro-democracy organizati­ons are siloed, lacking the level of transnatio­nal coordinati­on and playbook sharing that their autocratic counterpar­ts artfully orchestrat­e. We need to create forums such as the upcoming virtual Global Democracy Champions Summit to weave global networks and elevate the aspiration­s, leadership, and innovation­s of pro-democracy organizati­ons, activists, academics, and philanthro­pists.

From journalist­s to think thanks to Ukrainian freedom fighters, there is outcry for resources and innovation to defend liberal democracy. In the same way, philanthro­pic institutio­ns, government­s, and multilater­al institutio­ns galvanized in response to COVID-19, this is the moment to rise in global solidarity for democracy. Philanthro­py, in particular, has a historic role to play by making bold investment­s in civil society organizati­ons addressing both short-term crises as well as long-term civic infrastruc­ture building efforts.

We can and must develop a strategic approach to shoring up and inoculatin­g civil society against attempts to weaken it.

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